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TO THE 



WHOLE WHIG PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



P: 



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x^vx^^rX' I 



A short time since it was my pleasure, because I felt it to be my duty, to 
publish an address to the Whigs of Virginia, upon the subjects connected with 
the late Whig State Convention, in which I undertook to show, first, that the 
preference, as expressed by that body, for General Taylor as President, did not 
conform to the sentiment of the Whig party, and also to show the means by 
which that expression of preference was obtained; secondly, that Mr. Clay 
was a more available candidate than any other that could be nominated; and, 
thirdly, that General Taylor (for whom, as a man and a soldier, I entertain a 
high respect and admiration) did not occupy a political position that would jus- 
tify the Whig party in selecting him as the exponent of their party doctrines, 
and as the advocate and supporter of those principles which alone constitute 
the difference between ourselves and our opponents; for, if it is not the adop- 
iion of the principles of a party which constitute a man a member of that party, 
then I have lived to little advantage for five-and-forty years — as, from the time 
I first entered into political life up to the present moment, I have entertained 
the belief, now for the first time disputed, that it was that alone that made me 
a Whig and another a Democrat. But it seems I have been mistaken; and for 
one to say ^'I am a Whig,^' is all-sufficient to establish his claims to orthodoxy, 
and entitle him to occupy the highest seat in the synagogue. All this may be 
so, but to my untutored and unsophisticated mind it has appeared that one 
might as well expect to enter the portals of heaven by declaring, ''1 am a 
Christian, although I do not recognise any obligations to the Almighty, or adopt 
his precepts as the rule of my action," as to claim the Presidency at the hands 
of the Whigs, by saying, "I am a Whig; but you must take me on your own 
responsibility, as I will make no pledges, and will not be the exponent of your 
party doctrines, nor look to your principles as the rule of my action." It was 
this consideration, combined with the beUel that, if we did so, it would be the 
means of destroying the party to whose principles I have devoted the largest 
and most valuable portion of an active life, that prompted me to address the 
Whigs of Virginia. 

When I penned that article, I was not insensible to the great odds and pre- 
judices I had to encounter. I was not unmindful that I was arraying myself 
against the entire delegation in Congress from my own State, the Legislature 
of Virginia, the Whig State Convention, and the entire Whig press of my own 
district, (and, with one or two exceptions, of the whole State,) and that I was 
assuming a position which I presume no man, not besotted with vanity and 
self-importance, would from taste or preference, or without necessity, choose to 
occupy. I confess I see nothing in it very enviable to a public man, and it 
would require a very strong conviction of duty to force me into it. But, when 
convinced, if the odds had been ten times greater, I could not have been de- 
terred from placing myself in open opposition to it. It is enough, I know, to 
crush any man who has not truth and justice for his shield. Upon these I 

J. & G. 8. Gideon, printers. 



rely; and time, perhaps, M'ill vindicate the correctness of my judgment; but, if 
adverse circumstances should arise to prevent it, and I should fall in an honest 
effort to discharge a solemn duty, I shall meet my fate with a more reconciled 
conscience than many of those who will have triumphed over me, by their 
tergiversations and unreal professions of devotion to a cause, that in their 
souls they desire to overthrow. It is not the first battle 1 have had to fight, 
single-handed and alone, against friend and foe, until the people came to the 
rescue, and forced the politicians to take the same course. I have not for- 
gotten the scenes of 1841; they are about to be re-enacted. 

When I presented my views in the address referred to, I had hoped there 
would be no farther occasion, for the present at least, that I should have more 
to say. But four of my colleagues— to wit, Mv. Pendleton, Mr. Preston, Mr. 
Fulton, and Mr. Flournoy — have published a pamphlet, intended as an answer 
to mine, which, in regard to some of its facts and deductions, I purpose briefly, 
and very briefly, to notice. There is an ill-concealed vein, or attempt at 
irony, lurking through the piece, which I shall pass without observation, only- 
for the reason that I feel that I am as far above its reach, as the attempt itself 
is unworthy of consideration. I seek no controversy with these gentlemen, or 
any others'; I have indulged in no acrimonious remarks in reference to any in- 
dividual; I have sought to disparage no one; I made no personal allusion to 
any one of the four except to Mr. Preston, and then in terms of respect and 
kindness; nor would they, if strength of argument had availed them, have 
been disposed to use so impotent an instrument against me, even under cover 
and disguise. Argument failing, a feeble eftbrt at disparagement is adopted. Be 
it so. Let their tastes be gratified. I have a higher object to accomplish than 
to suffer this question to degenerate into a personal controversy — to see who 
can pen the sharpest and most pungent paragraph. I yield, v/ithout a sacrifice 
of vanity or pride, to the chivalric four. 

The self-satisfaction and amiable complacency with which they look upon 
their own handicraft, and view their own position, is amusing ! Having ac- 
complished all they sought— to wit, the overthrow of Mr. Clay in Virginia— they 
cannot tolerate the idea that their triumph is to be disturbed by any manner of 
complaint from those who have been wronged; we must not appeal to those 
most interested, to repair that wrong, from an apprehension that an ill gained 
victory may be snatched from their grasp, even in the hour of rejoicing. It 
is more than intimated that it was an "unjustifiable arrogance" in me to com- 
plain of the proceedings of the convention, or to address myself ''to the Whigs 
of Virginia;" and now I take a wider field, and address myself to the whole 
Whig party of the United States. Perhaps these honorable gentlemen may 
be better reconciled to mv famiharity and freedom with the Whigs of Virginia, 
when I teU them, that I never shouted pteans to Jacksonism— that I never 
slided off from Jacksonism to Calhounism, nor from Calhounism to Conserva- 
tism, nor from Conservatism to VVhigism, and will not now slide off from Whig- 
ism into '■^jVo-parti/ism:^^ and that my purpose is to keep \mited and indissoluble 
the Whig party, aiid not to break it iip. 1 have been a Whig from the begin- 
ning, and a VVhig all the time; and a Whig, true, genuine, and unadulterated, 
I m"ean to live and die; it is by my principles, and not "by the decision of Vir- 
ginia, through good or evil, that 1 mean to stand or fall;" otherwise I should 
have been a Jackson man in 1828, again in '32; a Van Buren man in '36, 
again in '40; a Polk man in '44, and the man of some other Democrat 
in '48; but, as my attachment to majorities may be less than theirs, it may 
account for the difference between us. i have only to add here, that if there 
should ever be another convention held in Virginia for the purpose of ascer- 
taining public sentiment, it is hoped that each county will spud their delegates 



from among its own citizens, who know their views, and will represent them 
truly; for,' so far from its being true, as represented in their pamphlet before 
me, that the convention was composed of "650 delegates, coming fresh from 
almost every county and precinct, appointed just at the moment of action," 
there were nine counties represented by one gentleman each, many by two only, 
and in very many other instances, as in some of those alread}'- mentioned, by 
members of the Legislature, or citizens of Richmond, who had never set foot 
upon the soil, and in all probability scarcely knew a man by sight or by 
name in the counties they were representing; and there was one gentleman ap- 
pointed a delegate from twelve counties, and therefore gave twelve votes, and 
by possibility may have decided twelve counties; while very many of them re- 
presented three, four, five, and six counties, and thus represented their own 
Yiews without a knowledge of the views of those they represented; and this is 
called an expression of public sentiment. 

My colleagues say, " We know of no State in this Union, the chance of car- 
rying which is absolutely desperate, unless the party adopts the wise policy of 
placing the contest on obsolete issues, or prefers to stake its fortunes on the 
availability of 'obsolete candidates.'' " If this is not an abandonment, clear, 
open, and undisguised, of the principles of the Whig party, if they have not 
gone upon the platform Mr. Cost Johnson has erected, then I know not what 
it means. 

What are the principles of the Whig party? The currency, and protec- 
tion to American industry, of the old issues, are the most prominent and imporr 
tant. How have these old issues become obsolete? Have they become so 
by their adoption of the principles of the other party now in power, the truth, 
the wisdom, the justice, and practical working of which have, in their view, 
proved satisfactory and beneficial to the country? If so, why don't these 
o;entlemen openly avow themselves in favor of free trade and the Sub- 
treasurv? Then their influence with the Whig party would cease to operate. 
How else can they have become obsolete? If the measures now in force 
are unwise, impracticable, and injurious to the public interests, then the old 
issues are not obsolete; they must be renewed whenever we have the power 
to enforce them: and if they have grown out of use, because of the established 
virtue and Vvisdom of the measures now in use, and I believed it, I would con- 
sider myself as much a Locofoco as a Whig, and a little more so; because I 
Avould not adhere to any party whose principles I believe antagonistic to the 
public welfare. 

And how has Mr. Clay become an obsolete — (not an unavailable) but an 
^'obsolete candidate,'^ except that his principles have been abandoned? A.nd if 
this is the condition of the Wliig party in Virginia, the sooner we know it the 
better. These declarations Avill occasion no little surprise with the constituents 
of some of the signers of that pamphlet, and I apprehend they will find it so. 
Then, if the old issues are obsolete, there is but one question at issue between 
the two parties, and that is the war question; and upon this point I will, before 
I close this communication, show that there is no choice between INIr. Polk 
and- General Taylor ; a beautiful condition of things, to which the Whig party 
is to be reduced by the Locofoco State of Virginia, and the disaffected mem- 
bers of the Whis party of that State, who think it more important that Virginia 
should be in the^majorlty than that old Whig principles and old Whig cham- 
pions should be successful. 

Under the head of "The effects of Lightning," in the pamphlet before me, 
a different version is given to that which I gave, materially varying the ques- 
tion, and one altogether erroneous, as I conceive, and as I will establish. \t 
is said — 



"In the first place, we deny that there was any mistake or misstatement in announcing the 
news from Kentucky. 

" Secondly, if there was any in regard to North Carolina it was of an accidental and unma- 
terial character, and that even to that extent it rests on conflicting and uncertain recollections. 

" And iliat, thirdly, and much more importantly, it did not influence the 'judgment and deci- 
sion' of the convention. 

" We disclaim all purpose to impute to Mr. Botts intentional misstatement or misrepresen- 
tation of the facts, but we deny the literal accuracy of his report. 

"At the close of Mr. Preston's speech on Friday erening, Mr. Archer, the president of the 
convention, handed him a letter, which he liad received whilst Mr. P. was speaking. After 
rapidly ninning over the letter, Mr. Preston said, ' the telegraph has arrived; Kentucky has nom- 
inated GeneralTay lor.' Mr. Botts here rose from his seat, and, addressing himself to Mr. 
Preston, said, 'thativas the Taylor convention.'' Mr. Preston repUed 'yes,' -but the other con- 
vention appointed out and out Taylor men, and both convention.* appointed the same delegates.' 

"The telegraphic despatch above referred to was from one of the members of Congress from 
Kentucky, and a gentleman of the highest respectabihty ; and there could be no reason to doubt 
its accuracy. Nobody has doubted its accuracy ; it was the announcement based upon it that 
was objected to. His despatch was in the following words 

" Hon. AViLLiAM B. Preston : 

"Dear sir: The Kentucky Whi<r convention, for presenting candidates for Governor, &c., 
simply appointed delegates avowed Taylor men. The Taylor convention, same day, nominated 
Taylor, and appointed the same delegates. 

" Now, it will be seen that there is not the slightest discrepancy between the annunciation as 
made and the despatch itself, unless it be in the words ^ out and out' in place of the word 
* avowed.^ We cannot, ourselves, perceive the importance of the variation." 

Let us take the three propo.'^itions here laid down in regular order. First, 
"We deny that there was an}' mistake or misstatement in announcing the news 
from Kentucky." 

Now let us see what the despatch contained, and what was the announce- 
ment which these gentlemen so confidently assert strictly corresponded the one 
with the other. 

The despatch says, " The Kentucky Whig convention, for presenting can- 
didates for Governor, &c., simply (mark that word) appointed delegates avowed 
Taylor men." 

The announcement, according to their own shewing, was, <'The telegraph- 
has arrived; Kentucky has nominated General Taylor." As for the paragraph 
above quoted, about my interruption, &.C., that will be disposed of presently. 

Now, I do not mean to raise any question of veracity Avith these gentlemen, 
because I do not su.spect them of being capable of telling an untruth, in the first 
place; and, secondly, because it would be both idle and ridiculous to do so, 
upon a subject to which there were from two to three thousand witnesses; but 
I do mean to raise a question of fact, of recollectioji, and deduction. What 
credit can be attached to their deductions when thoy themselves publish the 
announcement as above, in juxtaposition with the lightning despatch, and deny 
that there was any mi-stake or misstateinent in the announcement; they admit 
that Mr. Preston said, "Kentucky has nominated General Taylor;" they shew 
thzt they were aufkorized only to say that Kentucky had ^^simphf appointed 
delegates. As for what the Taylor convention did it was of no moment, for 
they of course would nominate him, being assembled for that purpose only. 

Let me recall the circumstances. They expected a despatch would arrive- 
announcing a nomination, I had predicted it would not come; an honorable 
member of the House of Representatives from Kentucky, from whom their im- 
pressions had been chiefly derived, announces to them [as if to correct an er- 
roneous impression he had created,) they havk "simply" ai>!>()intkd dele- 
gates. Now let me ask, for what jnirpose could such a desjiatch have been 
presented to the convention.' We had appointed oiu- (ielegates. We asked 
them to stop there, not to trammel them with instructions by a resolution of" 
preference, and j)redicted tliat this was what Kentucky would do; then why 



was the telegraphic despatch hitroduced, if it was only to announce that Ken- 
tucky simply appointed delegates? Why was not the telegraphic despatch it- 
self read; and, if it had been, would not the effect have been precisely t)pposite 
to that which was produced? Was the announcement made to operate in favor 
of my prediction and my views, or was it to overthrow them, and to sustain 
their own? If it had been so announced, would it not have sustained my posi- 
tion? Was it so intended? Did any one member of that convention so under- 
stand it? If so, why that shout upon shout, and yell upon yell, that followed? 
Why the declaration, from many quarters, that the question of availability was 
settled? These facts, I apprehend, will speak for themselves, in the absence 
of all other testimony; but if any such interruption on my part occurred, I must, 
in honor and sincerity, declare my entire and total ignorance of it, or any thing 
like it. I have not seen one man yet who was in that convention, except these 
four gentleinen, and one other, who did not leave it under the impression, that 
when Mr. Preston said "both conventions had nominated Old Zac," he meant 
both Whig and Locofoco conventions; which was confirmed by the declaration 
that immediately followed, "and now my lips are unsealed; I may say, vv'hat 
I would not have said two hours ago, but what I have long knovvn, that only 
three members of the Kentucky legislature were opposed to him." I feel very 
confident that, at that time, I had never heard of a Taylor convention being 
held in Kentucky. This is my recollection on the subject; and having so ex- 
pressed myself to Mr. McFarland next day, when I had read the despatch it- 
self, which contained the first intimation I had of a Taylor convention, I am 
confirmed in its truth. He, as I recollect, was under the same impression, 
and it is impossible that either of us, or any other, could have been, if such 
conversation had passed. I have observed that a similar statement, word for 
word I believe, appeared in the Whig of the •20th. I should like to know if 
that article was written by the editors, and if they heard me make any such 
statement, or whether that statement was furnished to them by others. 

Such an explanation of the announcement, as these gentlemen were present, 
could not have been received otherwise than as a concession to the correctness 
of my position, and as overthrowing their own; and, upon a review of their 
own production, they must become satisfied of their present mistake. The 
telegraphic despatch, as received and now published by them, certainly forti- 
fied my position; for I said Kentucky would simply appoint delegates; the 
despatch says they did "simply" appoint delegates; and yet the nomination 
was announced and received with greater demonstrations of triumph, on the 
part of General Taylor's friends, than I recollect ever to have witnessed in any 
public assembly of the same size. These facts are stronger than the fleeting 
recollections of frail humanity. 

I have twenty letters and statements, in writing, all going to prove the lite- 
ral correctness of my first statement. I will furnish the following only, as 
Ihey only were intended by the writers (as far as I know) for publication. 
The difiiculty of obtaining the views of gentlemen scattered over the State is 
apparent, and therefore I have not sought them; but the impressions of many 
of the citizens of Richmond, who were present as spectators, are before me, 
and they could be multiplied to any extent, if it were now deemed, or should 
hereafter become, necessary. The following is a letter from Mr. John Armis- 
stead Carter, and a note appended by Major Wooldridge, both of whom hap- 
pened to be in Washington when the Whig of the 20th reached this city. I 
have seen very few members of the convention since, but not one that did not 
•entirely concur with these gentlemen : 



'« Washington. 

. = Mt deae sir: I have just seen, mthe Richmond Whig of the 20th of March ^vi.at™^^^ 
to be a correction of your statement of the occurrences which took P^^.^. j" /^^f^.'^aoth, 1 had 
Whig convention. I think it proper to state that, before seeing the J.'"f°*;^V„ member of 
read your statement, an<l did not doubt but that it would be <=o"';""^Vnf Lts so Tr as my 
the convention. It cert.mly contains, to the letter a correct .statement of facts, «oJ,^^ '^^ "7^. 
memory goes. The article in the Whig says: 'According to the <r"""^^""f ,''*:'' e^e^ber 
gentlenL^o whom we have referred, the following was as nearly as it is P^^^f '^l^'^V; i^J^'J,^^^^ 
The precise language used : Mr. Preston said, the telegraph has arrived ; 1^^"^*^^^ {,''^^,,"Son 
nate^d Gen. Taylor". Mr. Botts here interposed and said, that was the faylor^ ^i^^t^y 
Yes, replied Mr. Preston, but the other convention appointed the same delegates J^ ^J^."^ j ^ 
near Mr. Preston, as one of the vice presidents of the body, and thus \»;^d a good oppoiUinuy 
of hearino- what was said. I did not hear you make any such remark to Mi. ^'^^^^'^ J,,'';;^^, 
one stated^bove, viz : ' That was the Taylor convention.' And I think it gentlemen i reco 1- 
'ec?rsLut upon shout which immedialely followed Mr. Preston's P-'^ -^^'i^";^, t'e 
lucky had nominated Gen. Taylor, they will see at once that such co"jersat on covild "otjiav^ 
taken place at that time. Believing that all parties wish to arrive at the fac s as they occurreU, 
I have no objection to your making any use of this statement you "^^y ^J^*^ P^'vI'^rtER " 
" Yours, very respectfully, JUMIN A. L/A 

"Hon. J. M. BoTTs>' 

"I was a member of the Whig convention referred to, and have read Mr. ^^/Its' address and 
I am of opinion that the account he gives of what Mr. Pre.ton said, as '^P^^'^^Q^yjJmDGE " 



IS correct. 



But the second proposition is equally strange, to wit: _ j x tvt lU 

Secondly. If there was any (mistake or misstatement) m regard to Wortft 
Carolina, Tt was of an accidental and immaterial character, and that, even to 
that extent, it rests on conflicting and uncertain recollections. 

Mv lano-uacre was, that Mr. Preston said: "And another telegraphic despatch: 
Has arrived; North Carolina, too, has nominated old Zac;" while the despatch, 
from an unknown and irresponsible quarter, stated that a decided majority ol 
the convention were in favor of Gen. Taylor for the next Presidency, amUAaf 
a mere opinion, an expression of the belief only of the writer, as the tact turn- 
ed out to be entirely different, as will appear by the extract below ot a letter 
from a most distinguished member of that body, and formerly a distinguished 
member of Congress,* and this is said to have been, ?/ an error at all, ((jtOcI 
save the mark,) of an accidental and immaterial character. As for the acci- 
dental part of it, I am willing to concede it; but, as to its immateriality, Imiist 
take leave to differ with the honorable gentlemen, and say, that this is not the 
way in which I either measure or weigh the meaning of words; nor will tlaey 
find any one, I apprehend, to agree with them as to the materiality ot the 
mistake or misstatement. But it "rests on conflicting and uncertain recollec- 
tions." What evidence there is of conflicting or uncertain recollection in the 
matter, is left for each one to conjecture for himself. It is not furni.shed. Ihe 
testimony of the Richmond Whig is certainly against them when it says, we 
thought Mr. Preston stated it too broadly. 

Btit, thirdly, and much more importantly, it did not influence the "judgment 
and decision'"' of the convention. This is a bare expression of their opinion 

» " Raleigh, Fehrmry 25, 1848. 
My honest and candid opinion is, that at least two-thirds, and I really bcHeve three-fourths, 
of the members would have voted a resolution expressing a preference for Mr. Clay as Presi- 
dent. I made it a point to endeavor to ascertain the sense of men here in regard to this matter, 
and I not only found a general unwillingness to support Gen. Taylor in his present position, 
but I heard many declare that they would not vote for him, even if nominated by the ctinven- 
tion, unless he more thorou-hly identified himself with the Whig party. I doubt not diflcrent 
accounts will be written to W., I dare say, honestly ; but, you may rely on it, the feelings of 
this convention, and, as far as I have been able to judge, of the peojdc of the State generally, 
arc utterly adverse to taking up Gen. Taylor in his present no-party position. I oclicve the 
feeling in'favor of Mr. Clay is growing stronger every day," &c., &c. 



and judgment, against which I oppose my own, and that of a hundred others, 
whom I have heard speak of it since. That the resolution would not have been 
adopted, I have never said. I said the friends of Mr. Clay indulged a well- 
grounded hope that it would not pass. I do not now believe it would have 
passed. But this is mere opinion, founded, however, upon strong circumstan- 
ces. It certainly would have been, at best, doubtful. But I have no doubt at 
all that, if the facts had been presented as they were, to wit, that Kentucky 
had "smyj/j/" appointed delegates, and that somebody had said a majority of 
the North Carohna convention were in favor of Gen. Taylor, that the Virginia 
convention would have been content to follow the example set them by those 
two States. 

There is only one other paragraph in this quadruple production that I care to 
notice — it is that in which the attempt is made, in the following sentence, to 
make it appear that I have charged General Taylor with being a Wilmot Pro- 
viso man, when I have expressly disclaimed it, because I did not believe it. 
The article reads, "But, seriously, does Mr. Botts believe for a moment that 
General Taylor entertains objectionable opinions on this subject? Can he pos- 
sibly believe any such thing, or have any doubts at all in regard to it? Yet 
such is the caption of one of his chapters." Now, would not one who had not 
read my address suppose that I had headed one of my chapters, '■'•General 
Taxjlor a Wilmot Proviso ma.nV Instead of that their caption is borrowed from 
mine, which is, "General Taylor on the Wilmot Proviso;'''' which, from the cap- 
tion of which they complain, might as well have been intended to defend as to 
accuse him. But what is my language in respect to it? Here it is: 

"I will not do General Taylor the injustice to say he will not veto the Wilmot 
Proviso, if he should be elected, and it should pass during his term;" and I 
then published the letter of his friend, Mr. Andrew Stewart, of Pennsylvania, to 
show that he was making fair weather with the North on that subject for Gen- 
eral Taylor, by endeavoring to prove, from General Taylor's own letter, that 
he would not veto it if it should be adopted. I certainly never suspected him 
of favoring the Wilmot Proviso. 

So much for the pamphlet. I have answered all that I consider worthy of 
refutation or serious consideration. I do not say this in any spirit of disparage- 
ment, but because I really think the whole production unworthy the intellects 
of the humblest of the four of my honorable colleagues with a good case. They 
have not answered satisfactorily, I think, any of my positions, and therefore I 
shall not endeavor to enforce them. As to their figures, I confess I do not un- 
derstand them; my recollection does not extend to vulgar fractions. 

In the convention, and in my address, I asked "what are General Taylor's 
opinions upon the great and absorbing question of the Mexican war? Is he for 
the absorption and annexation of Mexico? Is he for a defensive line and m- 
demnity, or is he against the acquisition of territory? 

Fortunately, before this leap in the dark is taken, I have the means of an- 
swering the question, which must be taken as conclusive until the denial comes 
from his own pen. 

A short time since, the Legislature of Mississippi appointed a committee to 
wait on General Taylor, and invite him to Jackson (the seat of Government of 
Mississippi) to partake of the hospitalities of the State. Rumors of an extraor- 
dinary character reached my ears as to the nature of the conversation reported 
by that committee to have taken plice with General Taylor on the subject of 
the tariff and the war. At my instance a member of Congress from Mississippi 
addressed a letter to the chairman of that committee to ascertain precisely what 
was said. Here is his answer: 



8 

" In regard to the conversation liad with General Taylor, I have to sny, we did not talk on the 
tariff— we did on the war. He expressed himself IN FAVOR OF THE WAR ; he said HE 
WAS DECIDEDLY IN FAVOR OF PROSECUTING IT VIGOROUSLY, till they should 
yield to an honorable peace ; HE WAS FOR INDEMNITY CERTAIN, AND THAT TER- 
RITORIAL ; was not wedded to any line particularly, but thought perhaps, as a kind ot com- 
promise with the Wilinot Proviso men, we had better go up to the 32°, making the Rio Grande 
the western boundary up to that degree, and said the South should never agree to the provisions 
of the Wilmot Proviso ; although he did not believe there ever would be slavery there, yet if the 
country was acquired, the citizens should be left free on that subject. HE SAYS ALL MEX- 
ICO WILL EVENTUALLY COME INTO OUR GOVERNMENT BY DEGREES; 
THAT IT CANNOT BE AVOIDED. On the subject of politics he said he was no politician ; 
had been three-fourths of his life in the army; devoted liis time and mind to that service, and 
paid but little attention to any thing else." 

Thi.s is all of the letter that relates to General Taylor or political subjects. 

By the foregoing, then, it appears that General Taylor is in favor of prosecut- 
ing the war vigorously, and claiming indemyiity certain; and, although he is wed- 
ded to no particular line, yet he goes into the Presidential chair if elected under a 
full and solemn conviction that by degrees the whole of Mexico must come into our 
Government, and that it cannot be avoided. The presumption is fair that he will 
not resist it. Let no more opposition be made to the vigorous prosecution of 
this war, by Mr. Polk, on the part of those who still insist upon the election of 
Gen. Taylor. Let no more resistance be made to indemnify, by territorial ac- 
quisition, on_ the part of those who still advocate his claims. Let no more 
clamor be raised against "manifest destiny," leading to the absorption and an- 
nihilation of Mexico, when the Conservative Whig party of this country shall 
have selected as their Chief Magistrate, (without Avhose agency and will it can 
never be accomplished,) one who believes it cannot be avoided, and will not 
therefore resist it. Let those go for him who may; if these are his opinions, I 
know not how he can go into that office by any agency of iniu'S. I know not 
now I can vote for any man who goes for indemnity for this war, already pro- 
nounced by the Whig party to have been unnecessarily and unconstitutionally 
made by the President. I cannot be reconciled to vote for any man who takes 
the ground that the ultimate annexation of Mexico to the United States is una- 
voidable. There is one way in which it can be avoided, and that way I Avill 
adopt as far as my vote will go; and it is, by having a President who is opposed 
to it, and will forever resist it, as not only avoidable, but desirxictive to our Union, 
our liberty, and our happiness. 

The principles of the Whig party may be "oiso/e/e" as represented by my 
colleagues, and Mr. Clay may be an obsolete candidate, as he assuredly Vv-as with 
most or all of the leading men of the convention, who spoke freely of him as an 
"incubus" upon the Whig party, and that he must be overthrown; and that 
•wasthe object of the resolution adopted, that Gnu Taylor was the choice of the 
Whigs of Virginia as President — not that he was more available. But, if they 
are not ob.solete, all men, and all questions, and all issues, shall with mc give 
place to this, whenever it is presented. I shall hold all men and all questions 
subordinate to that of resistance — firm, decided, unflinching resistance — to a 
vigorous prosecution of this war, to territorial acquisition as indemnity, and ul- 
timate annexation to the United States. 

_ The editors of the Whig and Compiler find great fault with mc for not yield- 
ing my support to Gen. Taylor; if I were disposed to embark in a war of words 
with any of those gentlemen, I should have no more to do than refer to their 
own files for twelve months last past, until the Legislature recommended him, 
and ask them to give mc the reasons for their most sudden and extraordinary 
change. They were greatly dissatisfied with Gen. Taylor's "Signal letter;" 
and, at every new development from his pen, they became more and more dia- 
''utisfied, until, at last, he has said he will take a nomination from Natives, 



9 

Whigs, or Democrats; but, if we take him, it must be on our own responsibili- 
ty, for he will make no pledges, that he will not be the exponent of our party- 
doctrines, and that he will not look to the principles of the party as the rule of 
his action. And now, forsooth, when they have changed, and have become' 
Iris w^ arm advocates, against their former judgment, they find fault with me, 
and complain of my injustice to Gen. Taylor in not recognising him as a sound, 
true, and orthodox Whig. All I have to say to those gentlemen is, that they 
complain of me for as little cause as they had for the change they themselves 
have undergone; while I could, with equal vehemence, complain of them for 
their desertion of the position which, with me, they occupied up to the middle 
of December, and even up to a later period. And will they or any others be 
good enough to inform me by what privilege or rule of construction they, 
as editors, claim the right to express their preference for General Taj'lor, and 
deny to me the right to express my preference for Mr. Clay, or any other citi- 
zen? If I were the editor of a newspaper, I would write day by day, until the 
7th of June, in maintenance of Whig principles not obsolete, and in favor of a 
Whig candid/tte not obsolete, and no one would question my right; but, as I am 
not, tame submission to the will of others is required as a duty. Well, when 
I lose the pov.'cr to speak, and the power to write, I may submit. And when 
the National Convention shall have decided, I will submit. And, if I cannot go 
with them, I certainly will not go against them. And let them nominate who 
they may, and if it be Gen. Taylor, and I can be satisfied he is a true Whig, I 
will vote for him heartily. 

On the 4th of January last the Richmond Whig held the following language: 

^'■General Taylor's position— We are Whigs— Party- rF/if^-s— and we have therefore regretted 
the position in which Gen. Taylor has been placed by his no-party Whig friends. But, while 
he cannot be our choice for the Presidency while occupying that anomalous position, we shall 
nevertheless, with our knowledge of his sentiments, support him cheerfully, if we can by that 
means most certainly expel the present dynasty from power. We want no pledges from General 
Taylor ; the Whigs have never asked them of their candidates. But we Jo think that the opinions 
cf candidates for tlie Presidency and Vice Presidency, upon leading questions of foreign and domestic 
policy, should be made knoxrn to the great body of the people before they are f ""«f^ «?'0'L'^ 7'« i^l°l\ 
WHY x^^EED THE VOTERS BE INTELLIGENT IF THEY ARE TO VOTE IN THE 
DARK IN REGARD TO THE OPINIONS OF THE CANDIDATES FOR THEIR SUF- 
FRAGES.' See, for example, what is already transpiring: The Washington correspmident of 
the New York Courier and Enquirer intimates that Gen. Taylor is in favor of the lariti ot 
1846 for the Sub-treasury, and in favor of territorial indemnity from Mexico. The Cincinnati 
villas, on the other hand, denies the statement in toto on "undeniable authority." Now, how is 
a conscientious voter, having access to no authentic sources of information, to decide between 
these conflicting statements.' , --^ m i 

"The Washington National Whig^likewise pronounces tlie statement that Gen. lay lor en- 
tertains the above sentiments, to be utterly unfounded ; as we, too, are satisfied it is. .Ind ive 
shall be very much gratified if it shall turn out to be correct, as stated by our Washington cctemporai-y 
that the country "will get Gen. Taylor's opinions over his own signature in all pr.fer time, and that 
the Whigs "will be more than satisfied" with them." 

Well, the proper time has arrived; and so far from General Taylor's doing 
what the Whig ex-pected, and thought every intelUgent Whig voter had a right 
io demand, he^is not only still mysterious, but refuses to occupy any position 
identified with the Whig party. And, when I call for what I was promised, 
and what the Whig said I was entitled to receive, a war is made upon me, and 
they go so tar as to endorse the abuse of some chattering magpie trom Nelson, 
who rates me for mv self-sufficiency and arrogance in addressing the Whigs ot 
Virginia. Upon thfs subject I have only to say, that my self-sufhciency and 
arrogance are easily measured. I have just so much self-sufficiency as leads 
me to form my own opinions, upon my own reflections, upon any subject, and 
not to change them only because a majority of those by whom I am surrounded 



10 

differ with me. And my arrogance carries me just so far as may be necessary 
to express, freely and fearlessly, to the world whatever I may choose to think 
and publish. But let it be recollected by the community that there is no Clay 
paper in Richmond to present the other side of the question; and, if all the let- 
ters, or extracts of all the letters, I receive from Virginia, commending my 
course, (to say nothing of those received from elsewhere,) and denouncing 
theirs, were sent to them for publication, it would take them many weeks to 
get through with the task. 

I will furnish, for the edification of the Whig press in Virginia, a few out of 
a very large number that could be presented, as extracts on the subject of the 
late convention and this mischievous pamphlet of mine. 

The first is from one of the most respectable gentlemen in Virginia; 

" LoMBARDY Grove, Meckleiiburg co., March 16. 

" I have never taken any active part in politics, but I am a Whig in principle, because I am 
fully persuaded that JVhig mensxu-es are essential to the prosperity ofour country and to the pre- 
servation of our republican form of government, and I have seen with a degree of indignation 
and chagrin which no language could express the course of certain politicians, who, professing 
ardent attachment to the Whig cause, are, as I believe, really endeavoring to break down th& 
Whig party, and organize a new one to serve their own selfisli purposes. I have seen, I say, 
■with indignation, their elibrts to set aside not only Mr. Clay, but all the other tried statesmen 
of the Wliig party, and substitute, as the candidate of the party, a mere military chieftain, 
possessing, so far as I know, no single qualification for the office of President of the United 
States. 

" In thi.s emergency, what are tlie friends of Mr. Clay and the Whig cause in Virginia to do ? 
What can we dor Siiall we remain silent under the most intolerable mis-representation by the 
convention of tlie wishes of the State, or shall we call public meetings and denounce the pro- 
ceedings of the convention, and proclaim to the world that (to use no harsher term) that body 
•was most egregioxtahj deceived in the opinion it formed and proclaimed that General Taylor was the 
choice of the Whigs of the State. 

"Thougli personally a stranger to you, I have long been familiar with and admired your 
public career, so bold and honest, and contrasting so remarkably with the timid, vacillating, 
and majority-seeking course of most of our public men." 

The next is from a former member of Congress: 

" Harrisburg, March 29, 1848. 

"One of our prominent political friends who sympathizes strongly with you in your effort to 
save or prevent the dissolution of the Whig paj-ty by the nomination of a candidate who de- 
nies the party, has made the enclosed list of prominent and active men, to whom he desires 
should be sent your last letter — if possible, under your own frank. 

[Here follows a list of 150 names.] 

Another is from one of the warmest Whigs in Kentucky, to his Representa- 
tive, who is a Taylor man: 

" Send some of Eotis' address to the Whigs of Virginia. It is the most important document 
of the age." 

Another, from Ohio: 

" Can't you send me several hundred copies of your late address ? Your country will reward 
you for the great service yon are rendering the good, the true cai«e." 

Another, from Ohio: 

" Go on, noble, generous, magnanimous soldier in the true f«ilh ; your country will not for- 
get you. Scatter your address over the whole country. It works like a charm." 

One from New York : 

" Our thanks, ten thousand times told, for the revival and regeneration of the Whig party,, 
about to be lost. We arc indebted to your exertions alone ; but for your timely interference 
we were gone." 

Another: 

" In tiic name of God, the party, and the country, why don't you send your pamphlet into 
every region of the United States, proving Mr. Clay's availability, and that General Taylor^,, 
to use your own language, is neitlier of us nor with us." 



11 

These extracts of letters are not paraded for the gratification of any self- 
pride or vainglory, but to let my friends of the press perceive that there are 
other parts of the world besides Virginia, and that there are other Whigs, who 
differ Avith them as to my rashness, imprudence, and mischievous propensities. 

If these gentlemen meant to say that what I have done has not advanced 
their objects or the objects of the convention, or if they supposed that it was 
my design to aid the objects of the convention, I can assure them they have 
misunderstood my purpose. It was exactly that I designed to defeat. I be- 
lieved General Taylor's nomination, in his present position, would be the de- 
struction of the Whig party; and I was willing, if necessary, to sacrifice 
myself to secure the nomination of any one, who was not ashamed to avow 
Whig principles, or identify himself with the Whig party: and if I should 
defeat their views, I shall have accomplished my own. 

Now, what is the remedy I have proposed, to counteract the mischief that 
has been done by the convention of Virginia, as from every part of the State I 
hear of great dissatisfaction with their proceedings? Is it to distract the Whig 
party at the spring election, as charged? On the contrary, it is an endeavor to 
unite them, and, when the elections are over, then to adopt a course by which 
their views and preferences can be ascertained. I proposed that at their May 
courts, between the elections and the meeting of the National Convention, 
they should hold meetings, and express their preference for General Taylor or 
Mr. Clay. That their delegates might ascertain their views, where they had 
been misrepresented. And who can object to this? Who complains that the 
people should say to their delegate, we wish you to cast our vote for Mr. 
Clay, or for General Taylor, or for General Scott. There can be no objection 
to it, except with two classes of persons : the first are those who do not care to 
have the public voice represented, so their own individual wishes can be ac- 
commodated; and the second, those who fear the result of such meetings will 
frustrate their own designs. To neither of these classes do I address myself; 
but to the masses of the free, intelligent, virtuous voting Whig population of the 
State. I know the politicians are against me, and it is against them I am war- 
ring for the people who have been misrepresented. 

Is there any thing of disorganization in this? Is it not, on the contrary, cal- 
culated, as it is designed, to restore organization which was Interrupted and 
broken up by the utter disregard paid to Mr. Clay and his friends by the con- 
vention Itself? 

There are two statements that have been made — the one by the authors of 
the pamphlet before me, and the other by the editors of the Whig — which may 
be misapprehended, if not corrected. 

In regard to the first, the pamphlet says : 

" In conclusion, on this topic, we would like to understand how it is, that our colleague has 
had such imaginings as to Gen. Taylor's politics, and yet has been .so ready to make an arrange- 
ment, by which he should be run as Vice President on the ticket of Mr. Clay as President." 

I recollect to have said some time ago to Mr. Preston, and perhaps to others, 
in reference to Gen. Taylor's declaration that as he had formed no opinion on 
the subject of a bank or a tariff, he ought to take lessons for four years, and 
they ought to be satisfied to make him Vice President first, and then we might 
make him President afterwards; this was said half In jest, half in earnest — all 
in earnest if you choose, though it is certain I have never attempted to make 
any such arrangement. The only answer necessary to be made is this — that I 
hold that there is some slight shade of difference between a President, clothed 
with all power, and a Vice President entirely stripped of power; and even now I 
might, with consistency, rather than see the Whig party defeated by division 
among ourselves, as-ree to take General Taylor as Vice President as a compro- 



12 

mise, in order to secure a greater good by the election of one who has formed 
his opinions on these and all other political questions, rather than a Locofoco 
should succeed; and I see no great harm, nor inconsistency in thif, provided 
we could do no better. Certainly, gentlemen who go entirely for " expediency, '^ 
cannot object to it; but if further answer were necessary, I might add, that 
when I said so, it was before his letter to Peter Sken Smith, or his letter to 
Col. Mitchell, or his views on the war were made known to me. I hope the 
gentlemen are answered. 

The second statement is in the Whig of the 20th, in which I am said to have 
involved myself in a most extraordinary discrepancy (from which I must re- 
lieve myself as best I can) in my former address, by first alleging that there was 
a foregone conclusion in the convention to nominate Gen. Taylor when it 
met, and afterwards to ascribe that result to the telegraphic news. Well, I 
think if no greater flaw can be picked out of that address by the astute con- 
ductors of that paper with which to fall out, it must be a very perfect produc- 
tion. Now, how does this extraordinary discrepancy appear? 

Why, although there was, when the convention met, (some say from, the 
circumstance of its being picked and packed for the purpose,) a foregone con- 
clusion to nominate Gen. Taylor, yet, in the language of the address, "such 
was the effect produced by this letter, — Gen. Taylor's letter to Peter Sken 
Smith — together with other matter that had been presented by the undersigned, 
that the friends of Mr. Clay indulged a well-grounded hope that they would ul- 
timately succeed in having the whole subject transferred to the National Con- 
vention for its consideration, uninfluenced by any expression of preference for 
Gen. Taylor," and then comes the telegraphic despatch, which setiled the 
question as it was originally intended. What an extraordinary discrepancy, 
truly! "A mare's nest has been found at last." 

Upon the score of Mr. Clay's availability I have only one word to add, and 
that is, that the impetuosity of the people is breaking down all restraints, and 
that such evidence of personal and political popularity was never exhibited be- 
fore in this country; with three-fourths of the politicians, and men W'ho hope 
to acquire a back-stair influence and importance at the White House, and with 
nine-tenths of the public press against him, the people arc elevating him over 
the heads of politicians and presses combined, and pressing him forward to the 
Presidential chair unmindful of their entreaties, and disregarding his own cher- 
ished inclinations for retirement and repose — the people will have him — it is 
^'manifest destiny,^' and resistance is useless. 

Since writing the above, another letter from Gen. Taylor has come to hand, 
and I presume "there are a few more left of the same sort." It is written to 
a committee appointed by a meeting of citizens of Montgomery, Alabama, with- 
out distinction of party, nominating him for the Presidency. Here is what he 
says, and it is submitted without comment — it speaks for itself, and all com- 
ment would be idle and useless: 

"Baton Rouge, La., Janitary 23, 1848. 

" Gentlemen : Your complimentary communication of the lOtli instant, enclosins; to me a 
copy of the preamble and resolutions adopted on the 8th instant, by a public meeting of my fel- 
low citizens, without distinction of party, in Montgomery, Alabama, has been received. 

" For the hi^h honor which they have been pleased to confer upon me by thus nominatmg 
me for the Presidency of the United States, and for tlie very kind languas^e in which they have 
seen fit to notice my past life and services, I beg you as their representatives to accept my pro- 
found acknowledgments ; and to assure my fellow citizens who composed this meeting, that / 
shall offer no acl^v^ opposition to the use of my name in connexion with this responsible office, 05 
long as they continue to use it thus iNOEPENUENfT of partt distinctions. 
" I am, ffentlemen, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

^ .51-/ ,^2^ TAYLOR." 



J3 

It may be well, however, to inquire what course the General will pursue, if 
the National Convention should use his name, not independent of party distinc- 
tions; and whether the National Convention to be held in Philadelphia in June 
next is expected to be a Whig party convention exclusively, independent of 
party distinctions; and if so, and he should be nominated as the Whig can- 
didate, whether he could feel himself at liberty to accept it, with this pledge, 
and others of a similar nature, to the no-party meetings of the country. I cer- 
tainly should think he could not accept it consistently with the above letter. 

I have just seen my organ, as the Taylor men call it — Heaven save us — the 
Richmond Enquirer, which, in its iisual accommodating and liberal sjnrit, has 
grouped together the many hard "flings" of the "Lynchburg Patriot,^' 
the "Lynchburg Virginian," the "Richmond Republican," and a "Dele- 
gate from Albemarle" levelled at me, in which I am represented as the 
" genius of political discord," the " hero of political frays," as "dictator,'' 
as "the rashest and most imprudent man in Virginia," as "stubborn and 
stiff-necked," and other such gentle, courteous, and conciliatory terms,, 
accompanied, it is true, with many honeyed phrases, such as "with a strong and 
discriminating mind," "high powers as a debater," "great firmness of pur- 
pose," " powerful in argument, and vehement in declamation," which only 
serves to embarrass me, as I am in doubt, as to which I am most indifferent, 
or which I should most appreciate, their censure or their praise ; I feel no un- 
kindness towards either "Tray," " Blanche," or "Sweetheart;" their ex- 
cuse is to be found in the lack of the very qualities they ascribe to me, to 
wit, " strong and discriminating minds," and " great firmness of purpose;" 
if they had been blessed with either one or the oiJier, or both of these essen- 
tial requisites, of men fit to lead in political warfare, we shfluld not^ now oc- 
cupy our relative positions on the questions at issue ; they have neither had 
the discrimination to perceive the true position of General Taylor, nor the firm- 
ness of purpose to adhere to their own long cherished principles, but like many 
others, they were each anxious to be the " Vicar of Bray;" and now that they 
find that their no-party candidate is effectually laid on the shelf by the great 
Whig party of the nation, and that the politicians are overthrown by the peo- 
ple, in their agony, for having "bent the knee to Baal," when " thrift" can- 
not "follow fawning," poor souls, they take it all out upon me ; well, rail on, 
gentlemen, my love of discord will not harm you; I shall quarrel with neither 
of you; I am in no manner indebted to either of you for what I am; I do not 
fear that you can rob me of what I have, Uttle as it is; but when you learn the 
sentiment of the Whig party, I say Whig jfarty, you will then perhaps be- 
gin to think you are not the great Sanhedrims of the party, State or national. 
It is very strange that a paper that does so much mischief should be writte;i for, 
and its circulation courted by the Whigs in almost every part of the United 
States that it has reached; and that, while thousands have been subscribed for 
and sent off, the demand for it yet continues; and it is impossible for me to fur- 
nish the demand on me for its circulation, and as much in Virginia as else- 
where. Now, those who desire its circulation so extensively must cither be 
greatly mistaken in its results, or these controllers of public opinion, and of my 
personal rights, have not "discriminated" wisely. Time will show. If their 
candidate is nominated, I will give it up; if mine is nominated, I Avill forgive 
them, not only for their abuse of me, but for their want of discernment and firm- 
ness of purpose, especially if they will excuse me for the want of dignity in 
taking this notice of what they have said. 

But, in good earnest, what have I done to incur the censure of the U hig 
jgxess in such unmeasured terms.? Why, I have chosen to prefer the favonie 
candidate of the Whig party of the United States, to the favorite candidate of an 



14 

almost self-constituted convention of Virginia. I have chosen to enter the lists 
almost single-handed and alone, (for those of the Clay party in Virginia have 
not chosen to "afford me aid and comfort," except hy private letters,) against 
the most fearful odds; and to use my best exertions to secure the nomination 
of Mr. Clay, as they have used their best exertions to secure that of General 
Taylor. Are my rights not equal to theirs? Am I bound to surrender my 
judgment to their dictation? What claims to consistency can they set up for 
denouncing me for my support of Mr. Clay, and of Mr. Clay's principles, 
which they so zealously advocated four years ago? Has ]Mr. Clay changed? 
Have I changed? Or have they changed? And if they have changed, where 
is to be found the obligation upon men to change with them! If to think tor 
myself is an offence, I shall offend perpetually; if to say what I think be a 
crime, I shall prove the worst of criminals; especially when I see principles 
dearly cherished and long advocated sacrificed to ^^ expediency,'''' that Avould 
have been scouted by the party in its better days; and if it is thought to be an 
easier task to turn the war upon me than to defend General Taylor's position, 
let the war be carried on, as long and as hard as the boldest of them dare to 
wage it; I shall be there all the time, unawed and ready for the defence of my 
principles and myself. How much better it would have become them to show 
my errors, to defend the position their candidate had assumed, to prove him a 
thorough Whig, worthy of Whig confidence and support, than to turn the ques- 
tion into one of personal abuse of me. It is a surrender of the question, and 
must prove so with all intelligent and reflecting men. 

JNO. M. BOTTS. 
Washington, March 30, 1848. 



POSTSCRIPT. 

While correcting the proof sheet of the above, I have received a paper called 
the "Virginia Patriot," just started in Lynchburg, by two very respectable and 
tolerably intelligent gentlemen, but somewhat raw in their vocation, and j\'eo- 
phytes in their position; if they had been veteran politicians, ol extended fame 
and reputation, perfect schoolmasters in their new trade, they could not have 
made a more labored effort to disparage my "usefulness," and taken greater 
license in scolding and ^^whipping in'''' than they have done to shear ^^ Sampson 
of his strength,''^ notwithstanding "they have no fear that his late pronuncia- 
mento will have any very serious effect upon the people of Virginia or the Na- 
tional Convention." As to +heir abuse, which might have been tempered with 
better manners for new beginners, I am as indifferent as if it had neither been 
written nor published, for I hope to outlive the ^'censure and rebuke^' of these 
most learned judges, matchless in all the properties of the goose — g^iill, I 
7nean. I hope to eat as hearty, sleep as sound, and feel as tranquil, as if their 
wrath had never been disturbed by my pronunciamentos, in which, "«9 they can 
do no harm,^' I might be permitted to indulge an idle hour, for pastime and recre- 
ation, without having it laid on quite so thick by those renowned champions of 
<'JVo-/)«r///m«." I do not belong to their party- Let me tell them again, I 
belong to the WHIG party, and not to the "obsolete principle party;" and 
they have no right to scold at me for not joining them. But this is not what I 
began to write about. That paper makes a statement that will mislead its 
readers, if it is not corrected. It says: "Virginia has already acted, and she 
cannot stultify herself by unsaying what .she has emphatically declared — that 



15 

Gen. Taylor is her choice as a candidate for the Presidency." This would 
make the action of the convention more enduring and obligatory than a law; 
for an unwise law may be repealed, and she stultifies herself with any nonsensical 
notion, as to keep it on her statute book when she knows it to be untrue and 
unwise. But Virginia has done no such thing, and these gentlemen voted in 
convention (if that is their impression) for what ihey did not u?iderstnnd, and 
they are writing now about what they hio^v nothing of. It is the very 
essence of my complaint, that the convention declared what no one 
man, on his individual responsibility, will endorse — that "General Tay- 
lor was the choice of the Whigs of Virginia for the Presidency of the United 
States;^' and not their choice as a candidate; and yet they themselves 
italicise the word, thus drawing the distinction between choice as a candidate 
and choice as President; and the resolution expresses precisely what, upon full 
deliberation, it was intended the convention should be made to declare. It was 
intended, and written, that it might exert its influence, not only on the delega- 
tion appointed, but upon other States that had to appoint their delegates, and 
upon the National Convention itself; and I avail myself of the authority of the 
Virginia Patriot to show that they, both members of the convention, and one a 
Legislative meinber, did not know what they were doing, and that the conven- 
tion did not understand what they were required to do, and that it did misrep- 
resent the sentiment of the Whig party of the State, and that the people should 
correct it, in their primary assemblies, in all the month of May, after the elec- 
tions are over, and they will allow themselves to be stultified if they don't 
do it. 

As there is no Clay paper accessible for the publication of whatever may 
show the changing sentiment of the country in favor of Mr. Clay, I attach the 
following editorial from the "American Whig" of March 25th, published in 
"Griffin," Georgia, A TAYLOR PAPER, with Gen. Taylor's name still fly- 
ing at its mast head. How can the Whigs of Virginia be enlightened when 
they look to the papers published in their own State, and they all, with some 
three or four exceptions in the interior, publish every thing on one side and 
nothing on the other. Common fairness to a common cause would require 
equal iustice to all. 

JNO. M. BOTTS. 

The next Presidency. — Judging from the signs of the times, and the feeling among the 
people, which is daily being exhibited, we begin to believe strongly that Mr. Clay and Mr. 
Polk will run their race over again this fall for the Presidency. The Democratic Convention 
for nomination assembles at Baltimore on the fourth Monday in May, and as a matter of course 
cannot know then what the Whigs will do ; but will have to select from among their prominent 
men one that, in their opinion, will give the most general satisfaction to the party; and the fear 
that throwing Mr. Polk reside, and selecting another, will give strong evidence to their oppo- 
nents that they are not satisfied with his administration, together with the courtesy due Mr. 
Polk of a tender of a second nomination, will have great weight in securing for him many votes 
in the Convention, and we think that no one will doubt that, if a nomination be tendered him, 
it will be readily accepted. 

Should this be the case, if Mr. Polk is renominated by his party, there are many influences 
existing in the minds of Whigs that will prompt them to put Mr. Clay agamst him again. 
Many Whigs view the result of the last election as not a full and fair expression of the will of 
the American people. Many influences were brought to bear in that contest that cannot be 
used again, and in justice ought not to have had any weight then ; but as they had their weight, 
and probably caused a different result from what would have taken place under other circum- 
stances, they are unwilling to take the result of that election as conclusive evidence of the pub- 
lic will Oil all the issues then before the country. i t, , 

Many Whigs, and not a few Democrats, we are aware, have declared for General Taylor ; 
out, in nine cases out of ten, the Whigs that have so declared did so under the belief that Mr. 
Clay would not consent to run again, and many of the Democrats were influenced by a belief 
that General Taylor was of their party, as is shown by the letter of the honorable Henry A. 



16 

Muhlenberg, which we publish to-day, and we may reasonably expect that, like him, so soon 
as they are convinced that they are in error, they will be retract and vote their own party ticket. 

In view of these facts, we are not prepared to conclude that Mr. Clay is not the stronger man 
of the two. We know that the name of Clay creates more enthusiasm in the minds of Whigs 
than any other name that can be mentioned, and we doubt not that every man who owns the 
name of Whig will accord to him a hearty support. We have, in order to satisfy ourselves 
with regard to the feelings of the Whigs, in this section, on the subject of the next Presidency, 
as between General Taylor and Mr. Clay, made it our business to make a personal inquiry of 
every Whig with whom we have coiwersed on the subject. We commenced this inquiry more 
than three months ago, and have csntinued it up to the present time ; and we must acknowledge 
that the result of the inquiries we have made convinces us tkat nineteen out of every twenty of 
the Whigs are for Mr. Clay as their first choice, and nearly all who are for General Taylor take 
liim because they believe him the more available. Different feelings may exist in other sections, 
but if the Whig feeling in this part of Georgia is a fair exponent of the general Whig feeling of 
the whole Union, Mr. Clay ought to be the candidate. 

We know, too, that several States have declared for Gen. Taylor, either through their Legis- 
latures or Conventions, but these States are confined to the South and Southwest, and all of 
which voted for Mr. Polk at the last election, and will probably vote for the Democratic candi- 
date at the next. Those States that voted for Mr. Clay, and may be relied on to vote for the 
Whig candidate, be he whom he may, have not yet expressed their preference. These, together 
with New York and Pennsylvania, ought to choose the candidate, because they have the power 
to elect, and without them no man can be elected ; and, from what we can learn from the most 
reliable sources, a large majority of the Whigs of those States prefer Mr. Clay. That the main 
Whig strength of the Union prefers Mr. Ciay, we are now bound to admit; and if so, the 
choice of tlie Whig strength ought to decide the question. If the Whigs desire to succeed, they 
ought to select that candidate who can most certainly command the vote of the most and largest 
States ; and if this be done we are persuaded Mr. Clay will be the nominee. 



.M 

• ,UU: 

.■/;!.■) 



^x 



TO THE 



1^ 



WHOLE WHIG PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES. 



A short time sii>ce it was my pleasure, because I felt it to be my duty, ta 
publish an address to the Whigs of Virginia, upon the subjects connected with 
the late Whig State Convention, in which I undertook to show, first, that the 
preference, as expressed by that body, for General Taylor as President, did not 
conform to the sentiment of the Whig party, and also to show the means by 
which that expression of preference was obtained; secondly, that Mr. Clay 
was a more available candidate than any other that could be nominated; and, 
thirdly, that General Taylor (for whom, as a man and a soldier, I entertain a 
high respect and admiration) did not occupy a political position that would jus- 
tify the Whig party in selecting him as the exponent of their party doctrines, 
and as the advocate and supporter of those principles which alone constitute 
the difference between ourselves .and our opponents; for, if it is not the adop- 
tion of the principles of a party which constitute a man a member of that party, 
then I have lived to little advantage for five-and-forty years — as, from the time 
I first entered into poUtical life up to the present moment, I have entertained 
the belief, now for the first time disputed, that it was that alone that made me 
a Whig and another a Democrat. But it seems I have been mistaken; and for 
one tci say ^'■I am a Whig,'''' is all-sufficient to establish his claims to orthodoxy, 
and entitle him to occupy the highest seat in the synagogue. All this may be 
so, but to my untutored and unsophisticated mind it has appeared that one 
might as well expect to enter the portals of heaven by declanng, "1 am a 
Chnstian, although I do not recognise any obligations to the Almighty, or adopt 
his precepts as the rule of my action," as to claim the Presidency at the hands 
of the Whigs, by saying, "I am a Whig; but you must take me on your own 
responsibility, as I will make no pledges, and will not be the exponent of your 
party doctrines, nor look to your principles as the rule of my action." It was 
this consideration, combined with the beUel that, if we did so, it would be the 
means of destroying the party to whose principles I have devoted the largest 
and most valuable portion of an active life, that prompted me to address the 
Whigs of Virginia. 

When I penned that article, I was not insensible to the great odds and pre- 
judices I had to encounter. I was not unmindful that I was arraying myself 
against the entire delegation in Congress from my own State, the Legislature 
of Virginia, the Whig State Convention, and the entire Whig press of my own 
district, (and, with one or two exceptions, of the whole State,) and that I was 
assuming a position which I presume no man, not besotted with vanity and 
self-importance, would from taste or preference, or without necessity, choose to 
occupy. I confess I see nothing in it very enviable to a public man, and it 
would require a very strong conviction of duty to force me into it. But, when 
convinced, if the odds had' been ten times greater, I could not have been de- 
terred from placing myself in open opposition to it. It is enough, I know, to 
crush any man who has not truth and justice for h^^affield. Upon these I 

J. & G. S. Gideon, printers. ^y^ 



U'Wm -u 



2 iWI V 

ad time, perhaps, will vindicate the correctness of my judgment; but, if 
.se circumstances should arise to prevent it, and I should fall in an honest 
ft to discharge a solemn duty, I shall meet my fate with a more reconciled 
/nscience than many of those who will have triumphed over me, by their 
tergiversations and unreal professions of devotion to a cause, that in their 
souls they desire to overthrow. It is not the first battle 1 have had to fight, 
single-handed and alone, against friend and foe, until the people came to the 
rescue, and forced the politicians to take the same course. I have not for- 
gotten the scenes of 1841; they are about to be re-enacted. 

When I presented my views in the address referred to, I had hoped there 
would be no farther occasion, for the present at least, that I should have more 
to say. But four of my colleagues — to wit, Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Preston, Mr. 
Fulton, and Mr. Flournoy — have published a pamphlet, intended as an answer 
to mine, which, in regard to some of its facts and deductions, I purpose briefly, 
and very briefly, to notice. There is an ill-concealed vein, or attempt at 
irony, lurking through the piece, which I shall pass without observation, only 
for the reason that I feel that I am as far above its reach, as the attempt itself 
is unworthy of consideration. I seek no controversy with these gentlemen, or 
any others; I have indulged in no acrimonious remarks in reference to any in- 
dividual; I. have sought to disparage no one; I made no personal allusion to 
any one of the four except to Mr. Preston, and then in terms of respect and 
kindness; nor would they, if strength of argument had availed them, have 
been disposed to use so impotent an instrument against me, even under cover 
and disguise. Argument failing, a feeble effort at disparagement is adopted. Be 
it so. Let their tastes be gratified. I have a higher object to accomplish than 
to suflbr this question to degenerate into a personal controversy — to see who 
can pen the sharpest and most pungent paragraph. I yield, without a sacrifice 
of vanity or pride, to the chivalric four. 

The self-satisfaction and amiable complacency with which they look upon 
their own handicraft, and view their own position, is amusing ! Having ac- 
complished all they sought — to wit, the overthrow of Mr. Clay in Virginia — they 
cannot tolerate the idea that their triumph is to be disturbed by any manner of 
complaint from those who have been wronged; we must not appeal to those 
most interested, to repair that wrong, from an apprehension that an ill gained 
victory may be snatched from their grasp, even in the hour of rejoicing. It 
is more than intimated that it was an "unjustifiable arrogance" in me to com- 
plain of the proceedings of the convention, or to address myself "to the Whigs 
of Virginia;" and now I take a wider field, and address myself to the whole 
Whig party of the United States. Perhaps these honorable gentlemen may 
be better reconciled to my familiarity and freedom with the Whigs of Virginia, 
when I tell them, that I never shouted pseans to Jacksonism — that I never 
glided off from Jacksonism to Calhounism, nor from Calhounism to Conserva- 
tism, nor from Conservatisin to Whigism, and will not now slide oflJ'from Whig- 
ism into '■'■jYo-partyism:^^ and that my purpose is to keep united and indissoluble 
the Whig party, and not to break it up. I have been a Whig from the begin- 
ning, and a Whig all the time; and a Whig, true, genuine, and unadulterated, 
I mean to live and die; it is by my principles, and not "by the decision of Vir- 
ginia, through good or evil, that 1 mean to stand or fall;" otherwise I should 
have been a Jackson man in 1828, again in '32; a Van Buren man in '36, 
again in '40; a Polk man in '44, and the man of some other Democrat 
in '48; but, as my attachment to majorities may be less than theirs, it may 
account for the difference between us. I have only to add here, that if there 
should ever be another convention held in Virginia for the purpose of ascer- 
taining public sentiment, it is hoped tliat each county will send their delegates 



from among its own citizens, who know their views, and will represent them 
truly; for, so far from its being true, as represented in their pamphlet before 
me, that the convention was composed of "650 delegates, coming fresh from 
almost every county and precinct, appointed just at the moment of action," 
there were nine counties represented by one gentleman each, many by two only, 
and in very many other instances, as in some of those already mentioned, by 
members of the Legislature, or citizens of Richmond, who had never ?et foot 
upon the soil, and in all probability scarcely knew a man by sight or by 
name in tlie counties they were representing; and there was one gentleman ap- 
pointed a delegate from twelve counties, and therefore gave twelve votes, and 
by possibility may have decided twelve counties; while very many of them re- 
presented three, "four, five, and six counties, and thus represented their own 
view^s without a knov/ledge of the views of those they represented; and this is 
called an expression of public sentiment. 

INIy colleagues say, " We know of no State in this Union, the chance of car- 
rying which Is absolutely desperate, unless the party adqpts the wise policy of 
placing the contest on obsolete issues^ or prefers to stake its fortunes on the 
availability of 'obsolete candidates.^ '^ If this is not an abandonment, clear, 
open, and undisguised, of the principles of the Whig party, if they have not 
gone upon the platform Mr. Cost Johnson has erected, then I know not what 
it means. 

What are the principles of the Whig party? The currency, and protec- 
tion to American industry, of the old issues, are the most prominent and impor- 
tant. How^ have these old issues become obsolete? Have they become so 
by their adoption of the principles of the other party now in po\yer, the truth, 
the \visdom, the justice, and practical working of which have, in their view, 
proved satisfactory and beneficial to the country? If so, why don't these 
gentlemen openly avow themselves in favor of free trade and the Sub- 
treasury? Then their influence with the Whig party would cease to operate. 
How else can they have become obsolete? If the measures now in force 
are unwise, impracticable, and injurious to the pubhc interests, then the old 
issues are not obsolete; they must be renewed whenever we have the power 
to enforce them: and if they have grow-n out of use, because ol^ the established 
virtue and wisdom of the measures noiv in use, and I believed it, I would con- 
sider myself as much a Locofoco as a Whig, and a little more so; because I 
would not adhere to any party whose principles I believe antagonistic to the 
public welfare. 

And how has Mr. Clay become an obsolete — (not an unavailable) but an 
^<-obsolete candidate,''^ except that his principles have been abandoned? And if 
this is the condition of the Whig party in Virginia, the sooner we know it the 
better. These declarations will occasion no little surprise with the constituents 
of some of the signers of that pamphlet, and I apprehend they will find it so. 
Then, if the old issues are obsolete, there is but one question at issue between 
the two parties, and that is the war question; and upon this point I will, before 
I close this communication, show that there is no choice between INIr. Polk 
and General Taylor ; a beautiful condition of things, to which the Whig party 
is to be reduced by the Locofoco State of Virginia, and the disaffected mem- 
bers of the Whig party of that State, who think it more important that \ irginia 
should be in the°majority than that old Whig principles and old Whig cham- 
pions should be successful. 

' Under the head of "The effects of Lightning," in the pamphlet beiore me, 
a different version is given to that which I gave, materially varying ^jl^ ques- 
tion, and one altogether erroneous, as I conceive, and as I will establish. It 
is said — 



wJQP^H 



4 



" In the first place, we deny that there was any mistake or misstatement in announcing the 
news from Kentucky. 

" Secondly, if there was any in regard to North Carolina it was of an accidental and imma- 
terial character, and that even to that extent it rests on conflicting- and uncertain recollections. 

" And that, thirdly, and much more importantly, it did not influence the 'judgment and deci- 
sion' of the convention. 

" We disclaim all purpose to impute to Mr. Botts intentional misstatement or misrepresen- 
tation of the facts, 'jui we deny the literal accuracy of his report. 

"At the close of Mr. Preston's speech on Friday evening, Mr. Archer, the president of the 
convention, handed him a letter, which he had received whilst Mr. P. wa.s speaking. After 
rapidly running over the letter, Mr. Preston said, 'the telegraph has arrived; Kentucky has nom- 
inated GeneralTaylor.' Mr. BoTTS here rose from his i^eat, and, addressing himself to Mr. 
Preston, .said, ' that was the Taylor convention.'' Mr. Preston replied 'yes,' -but the other con- 
vention appointed out and out Taylor men, and both conventions appointed the same delegates.' 

"The telegraphic despatch above referred to was from one of the members of Congress from 
Kentucky, and a gentleman of tlie highest respectability; and there could be no reason to doubt 
its accuracy. Nobody lias doubted its accuracy ; it was the announcement based upon it that 
was objected to. His despatch was in the following words 

" Hon. William B. Preston : 

"Dear sir: The Kentucky Whia convention, for presenting candidates for Governor, &c., 
simply appointed delegates avowed Taylor men. The Taylor convention, same day, nominated 
Taylor, and appointed the same delegates. 

" Now, it will be seen that there is not the slightest discrepancy between the annunciation as 
made and the despatch itself, unless it be in the words 'out and out' in place of the word 
'avowed.'' We cannot, ourselves, perceive the importance of the variation." 

Let us take the three propo.sItions here laid down in regular order. First, 
<' We deny that there was any mistake or misstatement in announcing the news 
from Kentucky." 

Now let us see what the despatch contained, and what was the announce- 
ment which these gentlemen so confidently assert strictly corresponded the one 
with the other. 

The despatch says, "The Kentucky Whig convention, for presenting can- 
didates for Governor, &c., simp/y (mark that word) appointed delegates avowed 
Taylor men." 

The announcement, according to their own shewing, was, "The telegraph 
has arrived; Kentucky has nominnted General Taylor." As for the paragraph 
above quoted, about my interruption; &c., that will be disposed of presently. 

Now, I do not mean to raise any question of veracity with these gentlemen, 
because I do not suspect them of being capable of telling an untruth, in the first 
place; and, secondly, because it would be both idle and ridiculous to do so, 
upon a subject to wliich there were from two to three thousand witnesses; but 
I do mean to raise a question of fact, of recollection, and deduction. What 
credit can be attached to their deductions when the}- themselves publish the 
announcement as above, in juxtaposition with the lightning despatch, and deny 
that there was any mistake or misstatement in the announcement; they admit 
that Mr. Preston said, "Kentucky has nominated General Taylor;" ihcy shew 
thai they vfcve authorized on/i/ to say that Kentucky had ^^simphf^ appointed 
delegates. As for what the Taylor convention did it was of no moment, for 
they of course would nominate him, being assembled for that purpose only. 

Let me recall the circumstances. They expected a despatch would arrive 
announcing a nomination, I had predicted it would not come; an honorable 
member of the House of Representatives from Kentucky, from whom their im- 
pressions had been chiefly derived, announces to them {as if to correct an er- 
roneous impression he had created,) thkv havk "simply" appointed dele- 
gates. Now let me ask, for what purpose could such a despatch have been 
presented to the convention.' We had appointed our delegates. We asked 
them to stop there, not to trammel them with instructions by a resolution of 
preference, and predicted that this was what Kentucky would do; then why 



was the telegraphic despatch introduced, if it was only to announce that Ken- 
tucky simply appointed delegates? Why was not the' telegraphic despatch it- 
self read; and, if it had been, would not the effect have been precisely opposite 
to that which was produced? Was the announcement made to operate in favor 
of my prediction and my views, or was it to overthrow them, and to sustain 
their own? If it had been so announced, would it not have sustained my posi- 
tion? Was it so intended? Did any one member of that convention so under- 
stand it? If so, why that shout upon shout, and yell upon yell, that followed? 
Why the declaration, from many quarters, that the question of availability was 
settled? These facts, I apprehend, will speak for themselves, in the absence 
of all other testimony; but if any such interruption on my part occurred, I must, 
in honor and sincerity, declare my entire and total ignorance of it. or any thing 
like it. I have not seen one man yet who was in that convention, except these 
four gentlemen, and one other, who did not leave it under the impression, that 
when Mr. Preston said "both conventions had nominated Old Zac," he meant 
both Whig and Locofoco conventions; which was confirmed by the declaration 
that immediately followed, "and now my lips are unsealed; I may say, what 
I would not have said two hours ago, but what I have long known, that only 
three members of the Kentucky legislature were opposed to him." I feel very 
confident that, at that time, 1 had never heard of a Taylor convention being 
held in Kentucky. This is my recollection on the subject; and having so ex- 
pressed myself to Mr. McFarland next day, when I had read the despatch it- 
self, which contained the first intimation I had of a Taylor convention, I am 
confirmed in its truth. He, as I recollect, was under the same impression, 
and it is impossible that either of us, or any other, could have been, if such 
conversation had passed. I have observed that a similar statement, word for 
word I believe, appeared in the Whig of the 20th. I should like to know if 
that article was written by the editors, and if they heard me make any such 
statement, or whether that statem.ent was furnished to them by others. 

Such an explanation of the announcement, as these gentlemen were present, 
could not have been received otherwise than as a concession to the correctness 
of my position, and as overthrowing their own; and, upon a review of their 
own production, they must become satisfied of their present mistake. The 
4;elegraphic despatch, as received and now published by them, certauily forti- 
•fied my position; for I said Kentucky would simply appoint delegates; the 
despatcli says they did "simply" appoint delegates; and yet the nomination 
was announced and received with greater demonstrations of triumph, on the 
part of General Taylor's friends, than I recollect ever to have witnessed in any 
public assembly of the same size. These facts are stronger than the fleeting 
recollections of frail humanity. 

I have twenty letters and statements, in writing, all going to prove the lite- 
ral correctness of my first statement. I will furnish the following only, as 
they only were intended by the writers (as far as I know) for publication. 
The difticulty of obtaining the vievrs of gentlemen scattered over the State is 
apparent, and therefore I have not sought them; but the impressions of many 
of the citizens of Richmond, who were present as spectators, are before me, 
and they could be multipUed to any extent, if it were now deemed, or should 
hereafter become, necessary. The following is a letter from Mr. John Armis- 
stead Carter, and a note appended by Major Wooldridge, both of whom hap- 
pened to be in Washington when the Whig of the 20th reached this city. I 
have seen very few members of the convention since, but not one that did not 
entirely concur with these gentlemen: 



" Waskington. 

<<M. nK.K .k: I have just seen, in the Richmond ^^^.^^^^^tH^^^ 
to be a correction of your"' statement oHhe occuncnces wh cl too^ ^Oth, f had 

\Vhi- CO ivention. I think it proper to state tha , befo e seeing tne V-'' ? ^ g^evv member of 
read yom statement, and did not doubt but that it would '^^^'^^'^^l^^l far as my 
1 e convention. It certainly contains to the lette.-^ a cor ct f-;-;^;^^;^:^^„V recollection o{ 
memorv -oes. The article m the Whig says : ' Accoiding ^"Z*^^ V°V^" fj^l^ ^o remember 
eent e ntn'to whom we have referred, the following was as "early as t is V?^^^^^'' ^ ^^^^-^ 
fbe r eSse language used : Mr. Preston said, the telegraph has amved I^^^^^'^yconvention. 
natedGen Taylor. Mr. Botts here interposed and said, tha ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^g , i gat very 
Y . , reSd Jr. Preston, but the.other invention appointed ne ^me d^^^^^^^^^ opportunit^ 
near Mr. Preston, as one of the vice presidents of the '^"''y'f"^ '\"' ']^^.{^ p^es ton as the 
of "earing what w.. sa,d I did not '1-7- ';;;! ^^^^^^ t d 1 lunk ' g^ -''^ --1- 

;£S-=tJ^r'^s^^^ 

I have ne objection to your making any us. ot this statement j ou "^ v^^,_. ^ (;;a.rTEP.." 
" Yours, very respectfully, 
"Hon. J. M. Botts:" 

.., „.s a .embe, of .l,e Whi. convention rere.;.d .„ a,^a .,«. -f^'lli^^^'-SftSit 
I am of opinion llml the account lie gives of wliat Ml . Pie»ton saia, as i^l ,^q(,LDR1DGE." 
is correct. 

But the second proposition is equally strange, to wit. 

dental parol, I a,n wiUitt, to concede it; but, as to tts n"";-f "»''>' '""^^ 

Srn^nv of the Richmond Whig is certainly agamst them ^vhcn it says, ue 
thouo-ht Mr. Preston stated it too broadly. uinHcrmont 

BiTt thirdly, and much more importantly, it did not inlluence he "J^^^S'"^^^ 
and d^dsiou'Vof the convention. This is a bare expression of their opuuon 



* " Raleigh, Fehrmnj 25, 1848. 



Mv honest and candid opinion is, that at least two-thirds, and 1 really ^'^rV'T^^X^;^ 

of th^^si;:; would navi. vo,ed a --'"-" -[--:;^^:,f;:^:'i;:;;!e ^::J:;^"^r^, 

dent. I made it a pomt to endeavor to -^^^^J^^'^^ "i;.^Xo, ln« Present position 
and I not only found u general unwdhn-ncss to « M\P"' --«"^^^^^^ ,he conven- 

but I heard many declare thi,t they vvon d ';?; - r^: ," ; Whii par v I doubt not different 

r;r:.!r;r^^inr?^i;jt; t;!'^r^^^ 

^=^^^f^:i!:^;^0:::^^ POsUion. I beHevetUe 

i-eelin- in'favor^f Mr. Clay is grosving stronger every day, &:c., .Vt. 



and judgment, against which I oppose my own, and that of a hundred others, 
whom I have heard speak of it since. That the resolution would not have been 
adopted, I have never said. I said the friends of Mr. Clay indulged a well- 
grounded hope that it would not pass. I do not now beheve it would have 
passed. But this is mere opinion, founded, however, upon strong circumstan- 
ces. It certainly would have been, at best, doubtful. But I have no doubt at 
all that, if the facts had been presented as they were, to wit, that Kentucky 
had '■'simjjly''' appointed delegates, and that somebody had said a majority of 
the North Carolina convention were in favor of Gen. Taylor, that the Virginia 
convention would have been content to follow the example set them by those 
two States. 

There is only one other paragraph in this quadruple production that I care to 
notice — it is that in which the attempt is made, in the following sentence, to 
make it appear that I have charged General Taylor with being a Wilmot Pro- 
viso man, when I have expressly disclaimed it, because I did not believe it. 
The article reads, "But, seriously, does Mr. Botts believe for a moment that 
General Taylor entertains objectionable opinions on this subject? Can he pos- 
sibly believe any such thing, or have any doubts at all in regard to it? Yet 
such is the caption of one of his chapters." Now, would not one who had not 
read m}' address suppose that I had headed one of my chapters, '-General 
Taylor a Wilmot Proviso manV Instead of that their caption is harrowed from 
mine, which is, "General Taylor on the Wilmot Proviso;'''' which, from the cap- 
tion of which they complain, might as well have been intended to defend as to 
accuse him. But what is my language in respect to it? Here it is: 

"I will not do General Taylor the injustice to say he will not veto the Wilmot 
Proviso, if he should be elected, and it should pass during his term;" and I 
then published the letter of his friend, Mr. Andrew Stewart, of Pennsylvania, to 
show that he was making fair weather with the North on that subject for Gen- 
eral Taylor, by endeavoring to prove, from General Taylor's own letter, that 
he would not veto it if it should be adopted. I certainly never suspected him 
of favoring the Wilmot Proviso. 

So much for the pamphlet. I have answered all that I consider worthy of 
refutation or serious consideration. I do not say this in any spirit of disparage- 
ment, but because I really think the whole production unworthy the intellects 
of the humblest of the four of my honorable colleagues with a good case. They 
have not answered satisfactorily, I think, any of my positions, and therefore I 
shall not endeavor to enforce them. As to their figures, I confess I do not un- 
derstand them; my recollection does not extend to vulgar fractions. 

In the convention, and in my address, I asked "what are General Taylor's 
opinions upon the great and absorbing question of the Mexican war? Is he for 
the absorption and annexation of Mexico? Is he for a defensive line and in- 
demnit}-, or is he against the acquisition of territory ? 

Fortunately, before this leap in the dark is taken, I have the means of an- 
swering the question, which must be taken as conclusive until the denial comes 
from his own pen. 

A short time since, the Legislature of Mississippi appointed a committee to 
wait on General Taylor, and invite him to Jackson (the seat of Government of 
Mississippi) to partake of the hospitalities of the State. Rumors of an extraor- 
dinary character reached my ears as to the nature of the conversation reported 
by that committee to have taken place with General Taylor on the subject of 
the tariff and the war. At my instance a member of Congress from Mississippi 
addressed a letter to the chairman of that committee to ascertain precisely what 
was said. Here is his answer: 



" In regard to the conversation had willi General Taylor, I have to say, we did not talk on the 
tariff— we did on the war. He expressed himself IN FAVOR OP THE WAR ; he said HE 
WA.S DECIDEDLY IN FAVOR OF PROSECUTING IT VIGOROUSLY, til! they should 
yield to an honorable peace ; HE WAS FOR INDEMNITY CERTAIN, AND THAT TER- 
RITORIAL ; was not wedded to any line particularly, but thought perhaps, as a kind of com- 
promise with the Wilmot Proviso men, we had better go up to the 32°, making the Rio Grande 
the western boundary up to that degree, and said the South should never agree to the provisions 
of the Wdmot Proviso ; although he did not believe there ever would be slavery there, yet if the 
country was acquired, the citizens should be left free on that subject. HE SAYS ALL MEX- 
ICO AVILL EVENTUALLY COME UNTO OUR GOVERNMENT BY DEGREES; 
THAT IT CANNOT BE AVOIDED. On the subject of politics he said he was no politician ; 
had been three-fourths of his life in the army; devoted his time and mind to that service, and 
paid but little attention to any thing else." 

This is all of the letter that relate.s to General Taylor or political subjects. 

By the foregoing, then, it appears that General Taylor is in favor of prosecut- 
ing the war vigorously, and claiming indemnity certain; and, although he is wed- 
ded to no particular line, yet he goes into the Presidential chair if elected under a 
full and solemn conviction that by degrees the whole of Mexico must come into our 
Government, and that it cannot be avoided. The joresumption is fair that he will 
not resist it. Let no more opposition be made to the vigorous prosecution of 
this v»rar, by Mr. Polk, on the part of those who still insist upon the election of 
Gen. Taylor. Let no more resistance be made to indemnity, by territorial ac- 
quisition, on the part of those who still advocate his claims. Let no more 
clamor be raised against "manifest destiny," leading to the absorption and an- 
nihilation of Mexico, when the Conservative Whig party of this country shall 
have selected as their Chief Magistrate, (without whose agency and will it can 
never be accomplished,) one who believes it cannot be avoided, and will not 
therefore resist it. Let those go for him who may; if these are his opinions, I 
know not how he can go into that office by any agency of mins. I know not 
how I can vote for any man who goes for indemnity for this war, already pro- 
nounced by the Whig party to have been unnecessarily and unconstitutionally 
made by the President. I cannot be reconciled to vote for any man who takes 
the ground that the ultimate annexation of Mexico to the United States is una- 
voidable. There is one way in which it can be avoided, and that way I will 
adopt as far as my vote will go; and it is, by having a President who is opposed 
to it, and will forever resist it, as not only avoidable, but destructive to our Union, 
our liberty, and our happiness. 

The principles of the Whig party may be "oiso/e/e" as re})resented by my 
colleagues, and Mr. Clay may be an obsolete candidate, as he assuredly was with 
most or all of the leading men of the convention, who spoke freely of him as an 
"incubus" upon the Whig party, and that he must be overthrown; and that 
was the object of the resolution adopted, that Gen. Taylor was the choice of the 
Whigs of Virginia as President — not that he was more available. But, if they 
are not obsolete, all men, and all questions, and all issues, shall with me give 
place to this, whenever it is presented. I shall hold all men and all questions 
subordinate to that of resistance — firm, decided, unflinching resistance — to a 
vigorous prosecution of this Avar, to territorial acquisition as indemnity, and ul- 
timate annexation to the United States. 

The editors of the Whig and Compiler lind great fault with me for not yield- 
ing my support to Gen. Taylor; if I were disposed to embark in a war of words 
with any of those gentlemen, I should have no more to do than refer to their 
own files for twelve months last past, until the Legislature recommended him, 
and ask them to give me the reasons for their most sudden and extraordinary 
change. They were greatly dissatisfied with Gen. Taylor's "Signal letter;" 
and, at every new development from his pen, they became more and more dis- 
satisfied, until, at last, he has said lie will take a nomination from Natives, 



9 

Whigs, or Democrats; but, if we take him, it must be on our own responsibili- 
ty, for he will make no pledges, that he will not be the exponent of our party 
doctrines, and that he will not look to the principles of the party as the rule of 
his action. And now, forsooth, when they have changed, and have become 
his warm advocates, against their former judgment, they find fault with me, 
and complain of my injustice to Gen. Taylor in not recognising him. as a sound, 
true, and orthodox Whig. All I have to say to those gentlemen is, that they 
complain of me for as little cause as they had for the change they themselves 
have undergone; while I could, with equal vehemence, complain of them for 
their desertion of the position which, with me, they occupied up to the middle 
of December, and even up to a later period. And will they or any others be 
good enough to inform me by what privilege or rule of construction they, 
as editors, claim the right to express their preference for General Taylor, and 
■deny to me the right to express my preference for Mr. Clay, or any other citi- 
• zen.' If I were the editor of a newspaper, I would write day by day, until the 
7th of June, in maintenance of WMg principles not obsolete, and in favor of a 
Whig candidate not obsolete, and no one would question my right; but, as I am 
not, tame submission to the will of others is required as a duty. Well, when 
I lose the power to speak, and the power to write, I may submit. And when 
the National Convention shall have decided, I will submit. And, if I cannot go 
with them, I certainly will not go against them. And let them nominate who 
they may, and if it be Gen. Taylor, and I can be satisfied he is a true Whig, I 
will vote for him heartily. 

On the 4th of January last the Richmond Whig held the following language: 

'^General Taylor's position —We are Whigs— Parly- Whigs— and we have therefore regretted 
the position in which Gen. Taylor has been placed by his no-party Whig friends. But, while 
■he cannot be our choice for the Presidency while occupying that anomalous position, we shall 
•nevertheless, with our knowledge of his sentiments, support him cheerfully, if we cnn i^y that 
means most certainly expel the present tbjnasty from power. We want no pledges from General 
Taylor ; the Whigs have never asked them of their candidates. But ive do think that the opinions 
of candidates for tlie Presidency and Vice Presidency, upon lecuUng queslioni of foreign and domestic 
policy, should be made known to the great body of the people before they are called upon to vote ; for, 
WHY NEED THE VOTERS BE INTELLIGENT IF THEY ARE TO VOTE IN THE 
DARK IN REGARD TO THE OPINIONS OF THE CANDIDATES FOR THEIR SUF- 
FRAGES.' See, for example, what is already transpiring: The Washington correspondent of 
the New York Courier and Enquirer intimates that Gen. Taylor is in iavcr of the Turiif of 
1846, for the Sub-treasury, and in favor of territorial indemnity from Mexico. The Cincinnati 
villas', on the other hand, denies the statement in toto on "undeniable authoruy." Now, how 13 
a conscientious voter, having access to no authentic sources of information, to decide between 
these conflicting statements.' r^ rr, , 

" The Washington National Whig likewise pronounces the statement that Gen, laj lor en- 
tertains the above sentiments, to be utterly unfounded ; as we, too, are satisfied it is. Jlnd we 
shall be very much gratified if it shall turn out >o be correct, as slated by our Waihington cotcmporary, 
that the countrri "wt// get Gen. Taylor's opinions over his own signature in all proper Itme," and that 
the Whigs "will be more than satisfied" with them." 

Well, the proper time has arrived; and so far from General Taylor's doing 
what the Whig expected, and thought every intelligent Whig voter had a ri^ht 
to demand, he' is not only still mysterious, but refuses to occupy any position 
identified with the Whig party. And, when I call for what I was promised, 
and what the Whig said'l was entitled to receive, a war is made upon me, and 
they go so far as to endorse the abuse of some chattering magpie from Nelson,^ 
who rates me for my self-sufficiency and arrogance in addressing the Whigs ot 
Virginia. Upon this subject I have only to say, that my self-sufficiency and 
arrogance are easily measured. I have just so much self-sufficiency as leads 
me to form mv own opinions, upon my own reflections, upon any subject, and 
not to change "'them only because a majority of those by whom I am surrounded 



10 

differ with me. And my arrogance carries me just so far as may be necessary 
to express, freely and fearlessly, to the world whatever I may choose to think 
and publish. But let it be recollected by the community that there is no Clay 
paper in Richmond to present the other side of the question; and, if all the let- 
ters, or extracts of all the letters, I receive from Virgniia, commending my 
course, (to say nothing of those received from elsewhere,) and denouncing 
theirs, were sent to them for publication, it would take them many weeks to 
get through with the task. 

I Avill furnish, for the edification of the Whig press in Virginia, a few out of 
a very large number that could be presented, as extracts on the subject of the 
late convention and this mischievous pamphlet of mine. 

The first is from one of the most respectable gentlemen in Virginia: 

" LoMBARDY Grove, Mecklenburg co., March 16. 

" I have never taken any active part in politics, but I am a Whig in principle, because I am 
fully persuaded that Jf 'kig mensures are essential to the prosperity of our country and to the pre- 
servation of our republican form of government, and I have seen with a degree of indignation 
and chagrin which no language could express the course of certain politicians, who, professing 
ardent attachment to the Whig cause, are, as I believe, really endeavoring to break down the 
Whig party, and organize a new one to serve their own selfish purposes. I have seen, I say, 
with indignation, their eiiorts to set aside not only Mr. Clay, tjut all the other tried statesmen 
of the Wliig party, and substitute, as the candidate of the party, a mere military chieftain, 
possessing, so far as 1 know, no single qualification for the office of President of the Uniteii 
.States. 

" In tliis emergency, what are the friends of Mr. Clay and the AVhig cause in Virginia to do ? 
What can we do? Shall we remain silent under the most intolerable mis-representation by the 
convention of the wishes of the State, or shall we call public meetings and denounce the pro- 
ceedings of the convention, and proclaim to the world that (to use no harsher term) that body 
■was most egreg'wusly deceived in the opinion it formed and proclaimed that General Taylor was the 
choice of the Whigs of the State. 

"Though personally a stranger to you, I have long been familiar with and admired your 
public career, so bold and hoisest, and contrasting so remarkably with ilie timid, vacillating, 
and majority-seeking course of most of our public men." 

The next is from a former member of Congress: 

" Harrisburg, March 29, 1848. 

"One of our prominent ))o]itical friends who sympathizes strongly with you in your eftbrt to 
save or prevent the dissolution of the Whig paj-ty l)y the nomination of a candidate who de- 
nies the part}', lias made the enclosed list of |irominent and active men, to whom he desire.s 
should be sent your last letter — if possible, under your own frank. 

[Here follows a list of 150 names.] 

Another is from one of the warmest Whigs in Kentucky, to his Representa- 
tive, who is a Taylor man: 

"Send some of Botts' address to the Whigs of Virginia. It is tlie most important document 
of the age." 

Another, from Ohio: 

" Can't you send me several hundred copies of your late addies.'^ ? Your cauntry will reward 
you for the great service you are rendering tlie good, the true cause.''^ 

Another, from Ohio: 

" Go on, noble, generous, magnanimous .soldier in the true f«tth ; your country will not for- 
get you. Scatter your address over the whole country. It works like a charm." 

. One from New York: 

" Our thanks, ten thousand times told, for the revival and regeneration of the Whig party, 
about to be lost. We are indebted to your exertions alone; but for your timely intertei'ence 
we were gone " 

Another: 

" In tiic name of God, the parly, and the muntiy, why don't you send your pamphlet into 
every region of the United States, proving Mr. Clay's availability, and that General Taylor, 
to use your own language, is neitlier of us nor with us." 



11 

These extracts of letters are not paraded for the gratification of any self- 
pride or vainglory, but to let my friends of the press perceive that there are 
other parts of the world besides Virginia, and that there are other Whigs, who 
differ with them as to my rashness, imprudence, and mischievous propensities. 

If these gentlemen meant to say that what I have done has not advanced 
their ohjeds or the objects of the convention, or if they supposed that it Avas 
my design to aid the objects of the convention, I can assure them they have 
misunderstood my purpose. It was exactly iliut I designed to defeat. I be- 
lieved General Taylor's nomination, in his present position, would be the de- 
struction of the Whig party; and I was willing, if necessary, to sacrifice 
myself to secure the nomination of any one, who was not ashamed to avow 
Whig principles, or identify himself with the Whig party: and if I should 
defeat their views, I shall have accomplished my own. 

Now, what is the remedy I have proposed, to counteract the mischief that 
has been done by the convention of Virginia, as from every part of the State I 
hear of great dissatisfaction with their proceedings? Is it to distract the Whig 
party at the spring election, as charged? On the contrary, it is an endeavor to 
unite them, and, when the elections are over, then to adopt a course by which 
their views and preferences can be ascertained. I proposed that at their May 
courts, between the elections and the meeting of the National Convention, 
they should hold meetings, and express their preference for General Taj^lor or 
Mr. Clay. That their delegates might ascertain their views, where they had 
been misrepresented. And who can object to this? Who complains that the 
people should say to their delegate, we wish you to cast our vote for Mr. 
Clay, or for General Taylor, or for General Scott. There can be no objection 
to it, except with two classes of persons: the first are those who do not care to 
have the public voice represented, so their own individual wishes can be ac- 
commodated; and the second, those who fear the result of such meetings will 
frustrate their own designs. To neither of these classes do I address myself; 
but to the masses of the free, intelligent, virtuous voting Whig population of the 
State. I know the politicians are against me, and it is against them I am war- 
ring for the people who have been misrepresented. 

Is there any thing of disorganization in this? Is it not, on the contrary, cal- 
culated, as it is designed, to restore organization which was interrupted and 
broken up by the utter disregard paid to Mr. Clay and his friends by the con- 
vention itself? 

There are tw^o statements that have been made — the one by the authors of 
the pamphlet before me, and the other by the editors of the Whig — which may 
be misapprehended, if not corrected. 

In regard to the first, the pamphlet says : 

" In conclusion, on this topic, we would like to understand how it is, that our colleague has 
had such imaginings as to Gen. Taylor's politics, and yet has been so ready to make an arrange- 
ment, by which he should be run as Vice President on the ticket of Mr. Clay as President." 

I recollect to have said some time ago to Mr. Preston, and perhaps to others, 
in reference to Gen. Taylor's declaration that as he had formed no opinion on 
the subject of a bank or a tariff; he ought to take lessons for four years, and 
they ought to be satisfied to make him Vice President first, and then we might 
make hun President afterwards; this was said half in jest, half in earnest — all 
in earnest if you choose, though it is certain I have never attempted to make 
any such arrangement. The only answer necessary to be made is this — that I 
hold that there is some slii^ht shade of difference between a President, cloihed 
with all power, and a Vice President entirely stripped of power; and even now I 
might, with consistency, rather than see the Whig party defeated by division 
amons: ourselves, a^ee to take General Tavlor as Vice President as a compro- 



12 

mise, in order to secure a greater good by the election of one who has formed 
his opinions on these and all other political questions, rather than a Locofoco 
should succeed; and I see no great harm, nor inconsistency in this, provided 
we could do no better. Certainly, gentlemen who go entirely for " expediency,^'' 
cannot object to it; but if further answer were necessary, I might add, that 
v/hen I said so, it was before his letter to Peter Sken Smith, or his letter to 
Col. Mitchell, or his views on the war w^ere made known to me. I hope the 
gentlemen are answered. 

The second statement is in the Whig of the 20th, in which I am said to have 
involved myself in a most extraordinary discrepancy (from which I must re- 
lieve my?elf as best I can) in my former address, by first alleging that there was 
a foregone conclusion in the convention to nominate Gen. Taylor when it 
met, and afterwards to ascribe that result to the telegraphic news. Well, I 
think if no greater flaw can be picked out of that address by the astute con- 
ductors of that paper with which to fall out, it must be a very perfect produc- 
tion. Now, how does this extraordinary discrepancy appear? 

Why, although there was, when the convention met, (some say from the 
circumstance of its being picked and packed for the purpose,) a foregone con- 
clusion to nominate Gen. Taylor, yet, in the language of the address, "such 
was the effect produced by this letter, — Gen. Taylor's letter to Peter Sken 
Smith — together with other matter that had been presented by the undersigned, 
that the friends of Mr. Clay indulged a well-grounded hope that they would ul- 
timately succeed in having the whole subject transferred to the National Con- 
vention for its consideration, uninfluenced by any expression of preference for 
Gen. Taylor," and then comes the telegraphic despatch, which settled the 
question as it was originally intended. What an extraordinary discrepancy, 
truly! "A mare's nest has been found at last." 

Upon the score of Mr. Clay's availability I have only one word to add, and 
that is, that the impetuosity of the people "^is breaking down all restraints, and 
that such evidence of personal and political popularity was never exhibited be- 
fore in this country; with three-fourths of the politicians, and men who hope 
to acquire a back-stair influence and importance at the White House, and with 
nine-tenths of the public press against him, the people are elevating him over 
the heads of politicians and presses combined, and pressing him forward to the 
Presidential chair unmindful of their entreaties, and disregarding his own cher- 
ished inclinations for retirement and repose — the people will have him — it is 
'^manifest destiny.)''^ and resistance is useless. 

Since writing* the above, another letter from Gen. Taylor has come to hand, 
and I presume "there are a few more left of the same sort." It is written to 
a committee appointed by a meeting of citizens of Montgomery, Alabama, witli- 
out distinction of party, nominating him for the Presidency. Here is w'hat he 
says, and it is submitted without comment — it speaks for itself, and all com- 
ment would be idle and useless: 

" Baton Rouge, La., January 23, 1848. 
"Gentlemen: Your complimciUary coinmuiiication of llie IClh instant, enclosing to me a 
copy of tiie preamble and resolutions adopted on the 8th instant, by a jiublic meeting of my fol- 
low citizens, without distinction of party, in Montgomery, Alabama, has been received. 

" For the liigh honor which they have been ple;ised to confer upon me by thus nominating 
«me fo- the Presidency of the United States, and for the very kind language in which they have 
seen fit to notice my past life and services, I beg you as their re))resentatives to accept my pro- 
found acknnwlcdgment.s ; and to assure my fellow citizen.s who composed lliis meeting, that / 
shall offer no aciive opposition to the use of my name in connexion with this responsible office, as 
long as they continue to use it thus independent of party distinctions. 
" I am, gentlemen, with ingh respect, vour obedient servant, 

"Z. TAYLOR." 



13 

It may be well, however, to inquire what course the General will pursue, if 
the National Convention should use his name, not independent of party distinc- 
tions; and whether the National Convention to be held in Philadelphia in June 
next is expected to be a Whig parly convention exclusively, independent of 
party distinctions; and if so, and he should be nominated as the Whig can- 
didate, whether he could feel himself at liberty to accept it, with this pledge, 
and others of a similar nature, to the no-party meetings of the country. I cer- 
tainly should think he could not accept it consistently with the above' letter. 

I have just seen my organ, as the Taylor men call it — Heaven save us — the 
Richmond Enquirer, which, in its vsual accommodating and liberal spirit, has 
grouped together the many hard "flings" of the "Lynchburg Patriot," 
the "Lynchburg Virginian,"" the "Richmond Republican," and a "Dele- 
gate from Albemarle" levelled at me, in which I am represented as the 
" genius of political discord," the " hero of poHtical frays," as "dictator," 
as "the rashest and most imprudent man in Virginia," as "stubborn and 
stiff-necked," and other such gentle, courteous, and conciliatory terms, 
accompanied, it is true, with many honeyed phrases, such as "with a strong and 
discriminating mind," "high powers as a debater," "great firmness of pur- 
pose," " powerful in argument, and vehement in declamation," which only 
serves to embarrass me, as I am in doubt, as to which I am most indifferent, 
or which I should most appreciate, their censure or their praise ; I feel no un- 
kindness towards either "Tray," "Blanche," or "Sweetheart;" their ex- 
cuse is to be found in the lack of the very qualities they ascribe to me, to 
wit, " strong and discriminating minds," and " great firmness of purpose;" 
if they had been blessed with either one or the other, or both of these essen- 
tial requisites, of men fit to lead in political warfare, we should not new oc- 
cupy our relative positions on the questions at issue ; they have neither had 
the discrimination to perceive the true position of General Taylor, nor the firm- 
ness of purpose to adhere to their own long cherished principles, but like many 
others, they were each anxious to be the " Vicar of Bray;" and now that they 
find that their no-party candidate is effectually laid on the shelf by the great 
Whig party of the nation, and that the politicians are overthrown % the peo- 
ple, in their agony, for having "bent the knee to Baal," when "thrift" can- 
not " follow fawning," poor souls, they take it all out upon me ; well, rail on, 
gentlemen, my love of discord will not harm you; I shall quarrel with neither 
of you; I am in no manner indebted to either of you for what I am; I do not 
fear that you can rob me of what I have, little as it is; but when you learn the 
sentiment of the Whig party, I say Whig party, you will then perhaps be- 
gin to think you are not the great Sanhedrims of the party. State or national. 
It is very strange that a paper that does so much mischief should be written for, 
and its circulation courted by the Whigs in almost every part of the United 
States that it has reached; and that, while thousands have been subscribed for 
and sent off, the demand for it yet continues; and it is impossible for me to fur- 
nish the demand on me for its circulation, and as much in Virginia as else- 
where. Now, those who desire its circulation so extensively must either be 
greatly mistaken in its results, or these controllers of public opinion, and of my 
personal rights, have not "discriminated" wisely. Time will show. If their 
candidate is nominated, I will give it up; if mine is nominated, I will forgive 
them, not only for their abuse of me, but for their want of discernment and firm- 
ness of purpose, especially if they will excuse me for the want of dignity in 
taking this notice of what they have said. 

But, in good earnest, what have I done to incur the censure of the Whig 
press in such unmeasured terms? Why, I have chosen to prefer i\\e^ favorite 
candidate of the Whig party of the United States, to the favorite candidate of an 



14 

almost self-constituted convention of Virginia. I have chosen to enter the lists 
almost single-handed and alone, (for those of the Clay part}' in Viro-iiiia have 
not chosen to "afford me aid and comfort," except hy private letters,) against 
the most fearful odds; and to use my best exertions to secure the nomination 
of Mr. Clay, as f/tej/ have used t/ieir best exertions to secure that of General 
Taylor. Are my rights not equal to theirs? Am I bound to surrender my 
judgment fo their dictation? What claims to consistency can they set up for 
denouncing me for my support of Mr. Clay, and of Mr., Clay's principles, 
which they so zealously advocated four years ago? Has Mr. Clay changed? 
Have I changed? Or have they changed? And if they have changed, where 
is to be found the obligation upon men to change with them! If to think for 
myself is an offence, I shall offend perpetually; if to say what I think be a 
crime, I shall prove the worst of criminals; especially when I see principles 
dearly cherished and long advocated sacrificed to '■'■expedienctj,''^ that would 
have been scouted by the party in its better days; and if it is thought to be an 
easier task to turn the war upon me than to defend General Taylor's position, 
let the war be carried on, as long and as hard as the boldest of them dare to 
wage it; I shall be there all the time, unawed and ready for the defence of my 
principles and m3'self. How much better it Avould have become them to show 
my errors, to defend the position their candidate had assumed, to prove him a 
thorough Whig, worthy of Whig confidence and support, than to turn the ques- 
tion into one of personal abuse of me. It is a surrender of the que^^tion, and 
must prove so with all intelligent and refiecting men. 

JNO. M. BOTTS. 
Washington, March 30, 1848. 



POSTSCRIPT. 

While correcting the proof sheet of the above, I have received a paper called 
the "Virginia Patriot," just started in Lynchburg, by two very respectable and 
tolerably intelligent gentlemen, but somewhat raw in their vocation, and .\Vo- 
jjJiytes in their position; if they had been veteran politicians, of extended fame 
and reputation, perfect schoolmasters in their new trade, they could not have 
made a more labored effort to disparage my "usefulness," and taken greater 
license in scolding and '■^whippivg in''' than they have done to shear ^^ Sampson 
of his strengt/i,^' notwithstanding "they liave no fear that his late pronuncia- 
mento will have any very serious effect upon the people of Virginia or the Na- 
tional Convention." As to their abuse, which might have been tempered with 
better manners for new beginners, I am as indifTerent as if it had neither been 
written nor published, for I hope to outlive the '■'censure and rebuke^'' of these 
most learned judges, matchless in all the properties of the goose — rjuill, I 
mean. I hope to eat as heartv, sleep as sound, and feel as tranquil, as if their 
wrath had never been disturbed by my ])ronunciamentos, in which, "^y they can- 
do no harm,^^ I might be permitted" to indulge an idle hour, for pastime and recre- 
ation, without having it laid on quite so thick by these renowned champions of 
"J\'b-/>«/-///;'.s7«." I do not belong to their party. Let me tell them again, I 
belong to the WHIG party, and not to the "obsolete principle p.\rtv;" and 
they have no right to scold at me for not joining them. But this is not what I 
began to write about. That paper makes a statement that will mislead its 
readers, if it is not corrected. It says: "Virginia has already acted, and she 
cannot stultify herself by unsaying what she has cmi)hatically declared — that 



15 

Gen. Taylor is her choice as a candidate for the Presidency." This Avoukl 
make the action of the convention more enduring and obligatory than a law; 
for an unwise law may be repealed, and she stultifies herself with any nonr-ensical 
notion, as to keep it on her statute book when she knows it to be untrue and 
unwise. But Virginia has done no such thing, and these gentlemen voted in 
convention (if that is their impression) for what ikey did 7iot understand, and 
they are writing now about what they kyiow nothing of. It is the very 
essence of my complaint, that the convention declared what no one 
man, on his individual responsibility, will endorse — that "General Tay- 
lor was the choice of the Whigs of Virginia for the Presidency of the United 
Staies;^^ and not their choice as a candidate; and yet they themselves 
italicise the word, thus drawing the distinction between choice as a candidate 
and choice as President; and the resolution expresses precisely what, upon full 
deliberation, it was intended the convention should be made to declare. It was 
intended, and written, that it might exert its influence, not only on the delega- 
tion appointed, but upon other States that had to appoint their delegates, and 
upon the National Convention itself; and I avail myself of the authority of the 
Virginia Patriot to show that they, both members of the convention, and one a 
Legislative member, did not know what they were doing, and that the conven- 
tion did not understand what they were required to do, and that it did misrep- 
resent the sentiment of the Whig party of the State, and that the people should 
correct it, in their primary assemblies in all the month of May, after the elec- 
tions are over, and they will allow themselves to be stultified if they don't 
do it. 

As there is no Clay paper accessible for the publication of whatever may 
show the changing sentiment of the country in favor of Mr. Clay, I attach the 
following editorial from the "American Whig" of March 25th, published in 
"Griffin," Georgia, A TAYLOR PAPER, with Gen. Taylor's name still fly- 
ing at its mast head. How can the Whigs of Virginia be enlightened when 
they look to the papers published in their own State, and they all, with some 
three or four exceptions in the interior, publish every thing on one side and 
nothing on the other. Common fairness to a common cause would require 
equal justice to all. 

JNO. M. BOTTS. 

The next Presidency. — Judgina; from the signs of the times, and the feeling among the 
people, which is daily being exhibited, we begin to believe strongly that Mr. Clay and Mr. 
Polk will run their race over again this foil for the Presidency. The Democratic Convention 
for nomination assembles at Baltimore on the fourth Monday in May, and as a matter of course 
cannot know then what the Whigs will do ; but will have to select from among their prominent 
men one that, in their opinion, will give the most general satisfaction to the party; and the fear 
that throwing Mr. Polk aside, and selecting another, will give strong evidence to their oppo- 
nents that they are not satisfied with his administration, together with the courtesy due Mr. 
Polk of a tender of a second nomination, will have great weight in securing for him many votes 
in the Convention, and we think that no one will doubt that, if a nomination be tendered him, 
it will be readily accepted. 

Should this be the case, if Mr. Polk is renominated by his party, there are many influences 
existing in the minds of Whigs that will prompt them to put Mr. Clay against him again. 
Many Whigs view the result of the last election as not a full and fair expression of the will of 
the American people. Many influences were brought to bear in that contest that cannot be 
used again, and in justice ought not to have had any weight then ; but as they had their ^veight, 
and probably caused a different result from what would have taken place under other circum- 
.<!tances, they are unwilling to take the result of that election as conclusive evidence of the pub- 
lic will on all the issues then before the country. 

Many Whigs, and not a few Democrats, we are aware, have declared for General Taylor ; 
out, in nine cases out of ten, the Whigs that have so declared did so under the belief that Mr. 
Clay would not consent to run again, and many of the Democrats were influenced by a belief 
that General Taylor was of their party, as is shown by the letter of the honorable Henry A. 



16 

Muhlenberg, which we publish to-day, and we may reasonably expect that, like him, so soon 
as they are convinced that they are in error, they will be retract and vote their own party ticket. 

In view of these facts, we are not prepared to conclude that Mr. Clay is not the stronger man 
of the two. "We know that the name of Clay creates more enthusiasm in the minds of Whigs 
than any other name that can be mentioned, and we doubt not that every man who owns the 
name of Whig will accord to him a hearty support. We have, in order to satisfy ourselves 
with regard to the feelings of the Whigs in this section, on the subject of the next Presidency, 
as between General Taylor and Mr. Clay, made it our business to make a personal inquiry of 
every Whig with v,-hom we have conversed on the subject. We commenced this inquiry more 
than three months ago, and have continued it up to the present time ; and we must acknowledge 
that the result of the inquiries we have made convinces us that nineteen out of every twenty of 
the Whig5 are for Mr. Clay as their first choice, and nearly all who are for General Taylor take 
him because they believe him the more availr.ble. Different feelings may exist in other sections, 
but if the Whig feeling in this part of Georgia is a fair exponent of the general Whig feeling of 
the whole Union, Mr. Clay ought to be the candidate. 

We know, too, that several States have declared for Gen. Taylor, either through their Legis- 
latures or Conventions, but these States are confined to the South and Southwest, and all of 
which voted for Mr. Polk at the last election, and will probably vote for the Democratic candi- 
date at the ne.\t. Those States that voted for Mr. Clay, and may be relied on to vote for the 
Whig candidate, be he whom he may, have not yet expressed their preference. These, together 
with New York and Pennsylvania, ought to choose the candidate, because they have the power 
to elect, and without them no man can be elected ; and, from what we can learn from the most 
reliable sources, a large majority of the Whigs of those States prefer Mr. Clay. That the main 
Whig strength of the Union prefers Mr. Clay, we are now bound to admit ; and if so, the 
choice of the Whig strength ought to decide the question. If the Whigs desire to succeed, they 
ought to select that candidate v.'ho can most certainly command the vote of the most and largest 
States; and if this be done we are persuaded Mr. Clay will be the nominee. 



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